De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - signiertes Exemplar
2003, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
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Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950. First edition, first printing. Hardcover. This inscribed U.S. first edition of The Grand Alliance, the third volume of Winston S. Churchill’s Seco… Mehr…
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950. First edition, first printing. Hardcover. This inscribed U.S. first edition of The Grand Alliance, the third volume of Winston S. Churchill’s Second World War memoirs, represents a compelling convergence of lives. First, the recipient - Lady Davina Woodhouse, the daughter of Churchill’s first great love, Pamela Plowden. Second, Davina’s husband, Monty Woodhouse, who inhabits some of the history recounted in this book, and who would likewise prove integral to geopolitical events during Churchill’s second and final premiership. Third is the man Davina did not marry, Anthony Eden, Churchill’s long-time lieutenant and long-delayed, ill-fated successor as Prime Minister. The inscription, five lines inked in blue on the front free endpaper recto, reads “To | Davina | from | Winston | 1950”. Condition of this inscribed copy approaches very good minus in a very good plus dust jacket. The red cloth binding remains bright and clean with minor shelf wear confined to extremities. The contents are respectably bright and clean. We find no previous ownership marks other than the author’s presentation inscription. The front hinge is slightly tender, but nonetheless solidly intact with no threat to binding integrity. The pastedowns are mildly browned from the glue. Light spotting is confined to the page edges. The original topstain is faded and the head and tail bands dimpled. Head and tail bands, dated title page, copyright page, topstain, and binding are all consonant with first printing of the first edition, as is the unclipped, “$6.00” price on the dust jacket flap. The jacket is bright, clean, and complete. Light wear is primarily confined to the spine head and adjacent upper front face, front hinge, and front flap fold. The red spine panel is only lightly sunned. The jacket is protected beneath a clear, removable, archival cover. Lady Davidema “Davina” Katharine Cynthia Mary Millicent Bulwer-Lytton (1909-1995) was the daughter of Pamela Frances Audrey Bulwer-Lytton (née Plowden), Countess of Lytton (1874-1971). Winston Churchill met Pamela Plowden in India in late 1896. Pamela was Winston’s “first great love”. For several years, during his early career as an itinerant, adventure-seeking cavalry officer and war correspondent, “Churchill was obviously in love with this beautiful girl” and they maintained a robust and romantic correspondence. But in the end there was no union. In 1902 Pamela married Victor Bulwer-Lytton, 2nd Earl of Lytton. Churchill married later, in 1908. Winston and Pamela “remained on affectionate terms” and Winston “continued to write to her for the rest of his life including two sympathetic letters after the deaths of her sons: Anthony, the eldest, in a 1933 air crash and John, at El Alamein in 1942” while Winston was wartime prime minister. Davina, too, experienced a Second World War loss. Her husband was killed in France in May 1940 less than two weeks after Churchill became wartime prime minister. Churchill’s political right hand and eventual successor, Robert Anthony Eden (1897-1977) had been a close friend of Davina’s husband. Although married, Eden and his wife were increasingly estranged. After the death of Davina’s husband, Eden and Davina found solace in one another and “her presence was to be a constant factor over the next five years.” (Thorpe, The Life and Times of Anthony Eden, First Earl of Avon) But Eden eventually lost Davina to a Byronic war hero, Christopher Montague “Monty” Woodhouse (1917-2001). Ironically, the two met at Eden’s home, to which Eden invited Monty for a wartime briefing in July 1944. Monty and Davina wed on 28 August 1945. Their marriage lasted half a century, until Davina’s death. During Churchill’s second and final postwar premiership, Monty played a significant role in advocating and precipitating the Iranian coup of 1953 and later served as a Member of Parliament. PLEASE NOTE THAT A CONSIDERABLY MORE DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF THIS ITEM IS AVAILABLE UPON REQUEST. Reference: Cohen A240.1(III).a, Woods/ICS A123(aa), Langworth p.258 This inscribed U.S. first edition of The Grand Alliance, the third volume of Winston S. Churchill’s Second World War memoirs, represents a compelling convergence of lives. First, the recipient - Lady Davina Woodhouse, the daughter of Churchill’s first great love, Pamela Plowden. Second, Davina’s husband, Monty Woodhouse, who inhabits some of the history recounted in this book, and who would likewise prove integral to geopolitical events during Churchill’s second and final premiership. Third is the man Davina did not marry, Anthony Eden, Churchill’s long-time lieutenant and long-delayed, ill-fated successor as Prime Minister. Inscription The inscription, five lines inked in blue on the front free endpaper recto, reads “To | Davina | from | Winston | 1950”. Condition Condition of this inscribed copy approaches very good minus in a very good plus dust jacket. The red cloth binding remains bright and clean with minor shelf wear confined to extremities. The contents are respectably bright and clean. We find no previous ownership marks other than the author’s presentation inscription. The front hinge is slightly tender, but nonetheless solidly intact with no threat to binding integrity. The pastedowns are mildly browned from the glue. Light spotting is confined to the page edges. The original topstain is faded and the head and tail bands dimpled. Head and tail bands, dated title page, copyright page, topstain, and binding are all consonant with first printing of the first edition, as is the unclipped, “$6.00” price on the dust jacket flap. The jacket is bright, clean, and complete. Light wear is primarily confined to the spine head and adjacent upper front face, front hinge, and front flap fold. The red spine panel is only lightly sunned. The jacket is protected beneath a clear, removable, archival cover. The Association(s) Lady Davidema “Davina” Katharine Cynthia Mary Millicent Bulwer-Lytton (1909-1995) was the daughter of Pamela Frances Audrey Bulwer-Lytton (née Plowden), Countess of Lytton (1874-1971). Winston Churchill met Pamela Plowden in India in late 1896. Pamela was Winston’s “first great love”. For several years, during his early career as an itinerant, adventure-seeking cavalry officer and war correspondent, “Churchill was obviously in love with this beautiful girl” and they maintained a robust and romantic correspondence. As late as 1900 Churchill’s mother had told him “Pamela is devoted to you and if yr love has grown as hers – I have no doubt it is only a question of time for you 2 marry.” In a letter of 1 January 1901 Churchill told his mother “she is the only woman I could ever live happily with.” (R. Churchill, Vol. I) But in the end there was no union. In 1902 Pamela married Victor Bulwer-Lytton, 2nd Earl of Lytton. Churchill married later, in 1908. Winston and Pamela “remained on affectionate terms” and Winston “continued to write to her for the rest of his life including two sympathetic letters after the deaths of her sons: Anthony, the eldest, in a 1933 air crash and John, at El Alamein in 1942” while Winston was wartime prime minister. In 1950 Winston wrote to Pamela recalling that he had proposed to her 50 years before. (Shaw, The Churchill Society London, 24/11/2003) In 1932, “Davina”, Pamela and Victor’s second daughter, married John Henry George Chrichton, 5th Earl Erne (1907-1940). After an early military career, Erne resigned his commission, becoming an active member of the House of Lords. When the Second World War broke out, Erne was commissioned a Major and was killed in France on 23 May 1940, less than two weeks after Winston Churchill became wartime prime minister. Widowed Davina was left with their two-year-old son, Henry. Winston Churchill’s wartime foreign secretary and Leader of the House of Commons, Robert Anthony Eden (1897-1977) had been a close friend of Erne. Eden, too, was acquainted with courage and sacrifice. Eden had served with distinction during the First World War, been awarded the Military Cross, promoted the youngest brigade major in the British Army, and lost his brother in the Battle of Jutland. Eden would later name his youngest son after his lost brother and would lose his oldest son – a pilot in the Pacific theater – in the closing days of the Second World War. In a different display of courage, Eden famously resigned as Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s foreign secretary in February 1938 in opposition to appeasement policies. Eden’s marriage was “increasingly fragile” and his wife, Beatrice, “spent much of the latter part of the war in Paris.” (ODNB) After the death of Davina’s husband, Eden and Davina found solace in one another and “her presence was to be a constant factor over the next five years.” (Thorpe, The Life and Times of Anthony Eden, First Earl of Avon) “Davina’s vivacious intelligence and beauty left its mark on all who met her. Eden’s diary entries about her often had a gentle humor that testified to the ease and happiness of their growing relationship.”(Thorpe). Into this scene – literally into Eden’s seventeenth-century house at Binderton – entered Christopher Montague “Monty” Woodhouse (1917-2001). Monty had been a brilliant classics scholar at Oxford and became a Byronic figure, described in 1944 as ‘the most famous man in Greece’. Monty was studying at the British School in Athens when Britain declared war on Germany. He hurried home to join the Royal Artillery, but the war would return him to Greece. He was with the British military mission to Greece after Italy invaded in October 1940. As a commando with the newly-formed Special Operations Executive (SOE), Monty “spent a few dispiriting months in Crete in the winter of 1941-42, assisting in the evacuation of Commonwealth troops… gathering intelligence… and assessing the prospects for resistance. (The Guardian) But Monty’s most dramatic return to Greece was by parachute in October 1942. Having risen to the rank of colonel, he was inserted into Greece with a team of saboteurs and coordinated communist and anti-communist guerillas – a rare moment of cooperation – to destroy rail facilities crucial to the enemy. On 16 July 1944, Monty briefed Winston S. Churchill at Chequers, the prime minister’s country residence. “Churchill had been under pressure from the Greek Government in Cairo to withdraw the British missions attached to the Communist EAM partisans in Greece.” In consideration, Churchill “had a long talk with Colonel Woodhouse, who had just returned from Greece, where he was with one of the EAM groups.” Churchill recalled that Woodhouse “argued that the British missions were ‘a valuable restraint’ on the Communist forces” but also “that it might be ‘difficult and dangerous to get them out’”. Thus advised, Churchill agreed to let them stay but asked for them to be reduced. (Gilbert, Vol. VII, p.853) A few weeks later, at the end of July, Woodhouse was invited to discuss Balkan strategy at Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden’s country home. After the meeting, Eden expressed his “entire faith” in Monty to the head of the SOE, writing of Monty’s “excellent work” and encouraging his promotion (Eden to Selbourne, 5 August 1944). However, for Monty, this was not the momentous outcome of the weekend with Eden. Woodhouse recalled “Eden sent a car for me on Saturday morning, 29 July. The driver explained that he had to pick up another guest, the Countess of Erne. It filled me with foreboding: I foresaw a social weekend making polite conversation to a political dowager instead of talking seriously with Eden. We drove to the address I had been given, off Belgrave Square. I rang the bell, & the door was opened by a girl, whose image is still with me. I assumed this was the Countess’s lady’s maid, for she was surrounded by luggage. I helped to put it in the car, and looked around for the Countess. But no one else came. Amazing: this was the countess! We got into the car and drove off. Her name was Davina.” (Woodhouse, Something Ventured, p.86). Davina and Monty wed on 28 August 1945. They had two sons (1946 and 1949) and a daughter (1954) and remained married 50 years, until Davina’s death in 1995. For his service in Greece Monty received British (DSO and OBE), American (Legion of Merit) and Greek decorations. In 1950, when this book was inscribed to his wife, Monty Woodhouse was back in Britain, returned from his military and diplomatic service, destined to leave for Tehran in 1951 where he would play a significant role in advocating and precipitating the Iranian coup of 1953 during Churchill’s second and final premiership. Monty became a Conservative Member of Parliament for Oxford from 1959 to 1966 and from 1970 to 1974 – “an appropriate constituency for a scholar who was a double first and a Gaisford Prizeman.” (Thorpe) He became 3rd Baron Terrington in 1998. After Monty Woodhouse died, a joint memorial service was held for him and Davina on 13 October 2001 at New College Chapel, Oxford. In 1946, the year after Davina wed Monty, Beatrice left Anthony Eden to live in America. In 1950 – the year Churchill inscribed this volume to Davina – Eden’s marriage to Beatrice was dissolved. Divorce was still “a disqualifying social solecism for advancement in many professions and Churchill discreetly protected Eden from the difficulties of his new situation.” (ODNB) Eden’s second marriage (1952) was to Churchill’s niece. Eden would ultimately wait in the wings – both while the Conservatives were in opposition (1945-1951) and during Churchill’s second and final premiership (1951-1955) for nearly a decade after the end of the Second World War. Eden’s long-awaited premiership (1955-1957) proved fraught and arguably diminished, rather than crowning, his stature and reputation. As it did for Monty, the middle east figured in Eden’s fortunes. By January 1957, he had resigned the premiership he had so long sought, undone by both ill health and the Suez crisis. Churchill in 1950 This U.S. first edition of The Grand Alliance was published on 24 April 1950. Churchill had been Leader of the Opposition for nearly five years. Having done so much to win the war, Churchill faced frustration of his postwar plans when his wartime government fell to Labour in the General Election of July 1945. On 26 July 1945 Churchill relinquished his premiership and was succeeded by Labour’s Clement Attlee. On 23 February 1950, just two months before publication, Churchill’s Conservative Party had gained 90 seats, but Labor eked out a small majority of just 5 seats. The end was near for Labour, who would lose the next General Election in 26 October of 1951, returning the Conservatives to majority and Churchill to 10 Downing Street for his second and, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950, 0, London: Smith, Elder & Co, 1847. First edition. INSCRIBED PRESENTATION COPY OF HERSCHEL'S SURVEY OF THE SOUTHERN SKY. First edition, inscribed presentation copy, of Herschel's greatest astronomical work, inscribed to the Captain of the ship that brought Herschel and his family back from South Africa. This is a monumental survey of the stars of the southern hemisphere, a complement to his father's survey of the northern celestial hemisphere. Herschel devoted five years to the project, which he chose to carry out at the Cape of Good Hope. In a suburb south of Cape Town he constructed a 20-foot reflecting telescope, with which he methodically explored the night skies. "By 1838 he had swept the whole of the southern sky, catalogued 1,707 nebulae and clusters, and listed 2,102 pairs of binary stars. He carried out star counts, on William Herschel's plan, of 68,948 stars in 3,000 sky areas ... He produced detailed sketches and maps of several objects, including the Orion region, the Eta Carinae nebula, and the Magellanic Clouds, and extremely accurate drawings of many extragalactic and planetary nebulae ... Herschel invented a device called an astrometer, which enabled him to compare the brightness of stars with an image of the full moon of which he could control the apparent brightness, and thus introduced numerical measurements into stellar photometry" (DSB). "Herschel stands almost alone in his attempt to grapple with the dynamical problems presented by star-clusters, and his analysis of the Magellanic Clouds was decisive as to the status of nebulae" (ODNB). "By the end of 1842 [Herschel] had performed without assistance the computations necessary for the publication [in this work] of his Cape observations. In September 1843 the letterpress was 'fairly begun,' and after some delays the work appeared in 1847, at the cost of the Duke of Northumberland, in a large quarto volume, entitled 'Results of Astronomical Observations made during the years 1834-8 at the Cape of Good Hope.' Besides the catalogues of nebulae and double stars, it included profound discussions of various astronomical topics, and was enriched with over sixty exquisite engravings. He insisted in it upon the connection of sun-spots with the Sun's rotation, and started the 'cyclonic theory' of their origin. [Herschel] investigated graphically the distribution of nebulae, but fluctuated in his views as to their nature. Regarding them in 1825 as probably composed of 'a self-luminous or phosphorescent substance, gradually subsiding into stars and sidereal systems" (Memoirs of the Royal Astronomical Society, vol. 2, p. 487), he ascribed to them later a stellar constitution, and finally inclined to suppose them formed of 'discrete luminous bodies floating in a non-luminous medium'" (ODNB). ABPC/RBH list only three presentation copies. Provenance: Additional lithograph presentation leaf inserted before the half-title reading "Presented by Algernon Duke of Northumberland to" and completed in ink by Herschel as follows: "A. Henning Esqr. Lt. R.N. / With the Authors / Kind regards / J. F. H. June 5/49." "Herschel's first astronomical paper, on the computation of lunar occultations (1822), was published when he was already working in London on systematic observations of double stars with James South, the possessor of two excellent refracting telescopes. It had once been thought that a close pair of stars of differing magnitudes must result from the accidental near alignment of two similar stars at vastly different distances and that any apparent relative motion would be a parallactic effect of the motion of the earth around the sun. The pioneer work of [John's father] William Herschel had demonstrated orbital motion of binary stars under mutual attraction. John continued the work, re-observing known systems and discovering new ones, with detailed study of several cases, notably Gamma Virginis, and the development of methods (1833) for the determination of orbital elements. For their catalog of 380 double stars (1824) South and Herschel received the Lalande Prize of the French Academy in 1825 and the gold medal of the Astronomical Society (1826) ... "James South left England and Herschel continued astronomical observations at Slough, following his father's lead in observation of nebulae, clusters, and double stars. A monumental catalog of 2,307 nebulae and clusters, 525 being new, was issued in 1833. By 1836 he had published six catalogs of double stars, comprising 3,346 systems ... "Herschel was now nearing forty and had earned almost every possible distinction in his field. He might well have remained a solitary bachelor but for his friend James Grahame, who decided he would be better off married and even picked out the girl: Margaret Brodie Stewart, daughter of Dr. Alexander Stewart, a Presbyterian divine and Gaelic scholar, who by his two wives had had a large family. Maggie, as Herschel was to call her, was good-looking, eighteen years younger than Herschel, and possessed an extremely strong character. Grahame threw the couple together; they married in 1829, were supremely happy, and had twelve children. Maggie followed Herschel everywhere, even to the wilds of Africa, and managed all his complex affairs, even to the extent of running a household of seldom less than twenty people when she was still in her early twenties. "Herschel now conceived the idea of an astronomical expedition to the southern hemisphere, possibly delaying its execution until after his mother's death in 1832. The only possible choices of site were South America, Australia, and the Cape of Good Hope. The Cape Colony had come under British rule in 1806 as a consequence of the Napoleonic Wars. Cape Town had existed as a town since 1652 and was important as a way station for many ships en route to India. The British had established an observatory there for the 'improvement of astronomy and navigation' in 1820. As the result of the work of Lacaille in 1751-1753 it had an astronomical tradition and also enjoyed the technical advantage of being in the same longitude as eastern Europe, so that cooperative observations in the same meridian were possible. "On 13 November 1833 the Mountstuart Elphinstone sailed from Portsmouth with the Herschel party-John, Maggie, three children, a mechanic named John Stone, and a nurse-on board. They had a twenty-foot telescope and a seven-foot equatorially mounted refractor. They landed at Cape Town on 16 January 1834, Herschel having happily beguiled the voyage with all kinds of astronomical, oceanographical, and meteorological investigations while everyone else was prostrated with seasickness. Ten days before they landed, the newly appointed director of the Cape Observatory (H.M. astronomer at the Cape), Thomas Maclear, had arrived with his family and servant; the two were to enjoy four years of happy collaboration. "Herschel leased at £225 per annum (and subsequently purchased for £3000) an eighteen-room house called 'The Grove,' which he named 'Feld-hausen' by a German approximation to its Dutch name, in the suburb of Claremont, south of Cape Town. Within six weeks he and John Stone had the reflector erected on a spot now marked by a memorial obelisk. By 1838 he had swept the whole of the southern sky, cataloged 1,707 nebulae and clusters, and listed 2,102 pairs of binary stars. He carried out star counts, on William Herschel's plan, of 68,948 stars in 3,000 sky areas. Herschel made micrometer measures for separation and position angle of many pairs. He produced detailed sketches and maps of several objects, including the Orion region, the Eta Carinae nebula, and the Magellanic Clouds, and extremely accurate drawings of many extragalactic and planetary nebulae. He observed lunar eclipses, and when Eta Carinae, an object whose nature is still not understood, underwent a dramatic brightening in December 1837, he recorded its behavior in detail. Herschel invented a device called an astrometer, which enabled him to compare the brightness of stars with an image of the full moon of which he could control the apparent brightness, and thus introduced numerical measurements into stellar photometry. Maclear provided him with accurate star positions, and he assisted Maclear in geodetic and tidal observations. He observed Encke's and Halley's comets and experimented with the actinometer and with cooking by solar heat. "Herschel and Maggie and some of the children made several trips into the nearer parts of the western Cape Colony. He helped promote exploring expeditions and galvanized the Cape Philosophical Society. His correspondence was enormous, and virtually everyone of note visited him. He drew pictures of scenery and flowers with the camera lucida, and Maggie colored some of the pictures. He did enough botany to get his name in the list of species and established systematic meteorology in the area. With several local worthies Herschel devised a new educational system for the Cape Colony, traces of which persist; and, having written memoranda from the Cape, lobbied for their acceptance when he reached home. He refused official financial aid for the expedition and was able to offer financial aid to several of his numerous brothers-in-law. On 11 March 1838 the expedition embarked on the Windsor, with Herschel conducting experiments throughout the voyage, and landed at London on 15 May 1838. "The newly created baronet rushed off to Hannover to see his Aunt Caroline, as well as Gauss, Olbers, and H. C. Schumacher. He produced numerous papers on topics ranging from iron meteors to variable stars to the structure of the eye of the shark. Many of these derived from his African experiences, particularly his plan for the reform of the nomenclature and boundaries of the constellations, which was ready by 1841. Herschel served on committees and commissions, including the Royal Commission on Standards (1838-1843), and as lord rector of Marischal College, Aberdeen, in 1842. He helped to organize worldwide meteorological and magnetic observations, as well as the geomagnetic expedition of James Clark Ross to the Antarctic. "From Herschel's return from Africa until the mid-1840s two special scientific preoccupations stand out: the reduction of the African results and their preparation for publication, which led to numerous relatively short papers; and the researches in photography ... "In 1840 the family moved from Slough to 'Colingwood,' a house at Hawkhurst, Kent. Herschel was then forty-eight years old and beginning to slow down. Still to come were the remaining photographic papers, a great deal of committee work, miscellaneous astronomical papers, some investigations of the phenomena of fluorescence, and thoughts on such diverse topics as meteorology, metrology (including that of the Great Pyramid), and color blindness. The Results from Africa appeared in 1847" (DSB). Norman 1056. 4to (309 x 247mm), pp. [iv: presentation and half title], xx, 452, [2], [2, ads], with lithograph frontispiece and 17 plates, some folding (minor foxing to title, frontispiece and plates). Original blind-stamped cloth, gilt-lettered spine (faded as usual, light wear at corners and extremities). Preserved in an unusually fine quarter-calf folding box., Smith, Elder & Co, 1847, 0, London: H.S. Nichols, Ltd., 1897. 12 volumes. Rare and Most Probably a Unique Presentation of the Illustrated Library Edition. 142 original illustrations, including a portrait of Burton, reproduced from the original pictures in oils specially painted by Albert Letchford with one set of the original 71 illustrations presented as included by the publisher and another set individually hand-coloured. 8vo, splendid, handsome and very finely executed three-quarter gilt-bordered dark red morocco over vellum covered boards, the spine in compartments separated by wide gilt decorated raised bands, the compartments of the spine elaborately decorated and lettered in gilt with beautiful arabesque designs, t.e.g., marbled endpapers. A very handsome and unusually appealing set. The bindings are very stately and attractive and the colouring of the illustrations beautifully accomplished. We know of no other handcoloured copy being offered in recent memory. Some old stains to the edges of some leaves or plates, lower corners of a few volumes with old evidence of damp. Spines, gilt-work, bands all in excellent condition. A VERY RARE AND PROBABLY UNIQUE SET OF THIS HIGHLY IMPORTANT EDITION, THE FIRST TO BE ILLUSTRATED, AND THIS COPY WITH AN ADDED SET OF THE ORIGINAL PLATES SINGULARLY HANDCOLOURED. Nichols printing is a scarce and handsome edition, the first to include the illustrations by Letchford. In 1896, two years after their first edition of ARABIAN NIGHTS, the Nichols-Smithers duo commissioned Sir Richard Burton's close friend, Albert Letchford, to paint 65 illustrations for another edition as well as a portrait of Burton, and soon after commissioned for 5 more. Burton and Letchford had met several years before when Letchford was 18 when he was in Florence beginning his art education and had discussed the possibility of illustrating Nights. Burton's suggestion of illustrating the "Nights" had appealed greatly to Letchford on account of the unlimited scope such a subject would give to an artist who loved the East and had a boundless imagination. Letchford commenced study of Eastern images for his paintings, though only one of the illustrations was painted in Burton's lifetime. Richard Burton was one of the foremost linguists of his time, an explorer, poet, translator, ethnologist, and archaeologist, among other things. The Thousand Nights and a Night is probably the most famous of all his many works. This translation reflected his encyclopedic knowledge of Arabic language, sexual practices and life: it reveals a profound acquaintance with the vocabulary and customs of the Muslims, with their classical idiom, [Ency Britt] as well as colloquialisms, philosophy, modes of thought and intimate details. In contrast to Victorian mores, Burton was driven to explore what would now be called by literary critics the uncanny/Unheimliche or the unresolvable tensions of human beings. Accordingly, he recorded details of daily life and practices that were considered vulgar at the time. The Arabian Nights have been traced back to an ancient Persian masterpiece, the Hazar Afsanah or Thousand Tales. The stories themselves can be dated from between the 8th and the 16th centuries and were for popular entertainment. They include a range of subjects from romance and fantasy, to homosexuality, bestiality, and obscenity. While a number of other English translations predated Burtons unexpurgated version, perhaps his achieved greatest notoriety due to its copious footnotes and the Terminal Essay found in the last volume. They are a compendium of his private reservoir of anthrological and sexual curiosities. His discussions of female sexual education and homosexuality excited intense debate and controversy at the time of publication. Burtons intellectual influence is far-reaching. His amazing grasp of languages and culture anticipates the globalism of the future. His geographical discoveries not only make him an interesting historical figure but also allowed for future exploration. The detail with which he wrote and his willingness to examine intimate aspects of daily life were precursors to modern ethnography. And his understanding and willingness to immerse himself in cultures that are still little understood by those in Western nation-states is enlightening on many levels. Burtons Nights was enthusiastically received and lauded as masterly, strong, vital, and picturesque, and as one of the most important translations to which a great English scholar has ever devoted himself. However, it was not without its critics, including th Edinburgh Review which wrote, Probably no European has ever gathered such an appalling collection of degrading customs and statistics of vice. Burton was ecstatic over the immediate critical and financial success of his translation and became instantaneously famous internationally. Burton wrote of the financial success of his Nights, I struggled for forty-seven years. I distinguished myself honourably in every way I possibly could. I never had a compliment nor a thank you, nor a single farthing. I translated a doubtful book in my old age, and immediately made sixteen thousand guineas. Now that I know the tastes of England, we need never be without money., H.S. Nichols, Ltd., 1897, 0, Paris: Michel Lévy, 1880. Fine. Michel Lévy, Paris 1880, 15,5x23,5cm, relié. - Edition originale. Reliure en demi chagrin vieux rouge comportant quelques discrètes restaurations, dos à cinq nerfs, date en queue, plats de papier à la cuve, contreplats et gardes doublés de papier peigné, couvertures conservées, tête rouge, reliure de l'époque Très précieux envoi autographe signé de Victor Hugo à Alphonse Daudet. Tampon de la bibliothèque de Madame Daudet sur la première garde. Victor Hugo représente pour Alphonse Daudet, comme pour les autres écrivains de sa génération, le maître incontesté du Panthéon des arts. Sa figure tutélaire parsème les œuvres de Daudet, fréquemment convoquée aux côtés de celles de Rousseau, Byron, Sand et Delacroix. Si durant l'enfance et la jeunesse de Daudet, Hugo, géant exilé sur son île de Guernesey, demeure un idéal inaccessible, « presque en dehors de l'humanité », son retour en France lui permet de le rencontrer enfin. Aux alentours de 1875, peu après la parution de ses premiers ouvrages, Alphonse et Julia Daudet sont ainsi accueillis chez Hugo qui vit désormais avec Juliette Drouet. Ils deviendront dès lors des intimes de la maison jusqu'à la mort du poète. Victor Hugo participe à l'éducation du jeune Léon Daudet, meilleur ami du petit-fils de Hugo, Georges et, plus tard, époux éphémère de Jeanne. Dans ses Souvenirs d'un cercle littéraire, Julia Daudet évoque leur amitié de dix années avec l'« idole de toute la France poétique » : « Je vois Victor Hugo au grand bout de sa table ; le maître vieilli, un peu isolé, un peu sourd, trône avec des silences de dieu, les absences d'un génie au bord de l'immortalité. Les cheveux tout blancs, la tête colorée, et cet œil de vieux lion qui se développe de côté avec des férocités de puissance ; il écoute mon mari et Catulle Mendès entre qui la discussion est très animée à propos de la jeunesse et de la célébrité des hommes connus et de leur séduction auprès des femmes. [...] Pendant le débat on est passé au salon, Victor Hugo songe au coin du feu, et célèbre, universel et demi-dieu, regrette peut-être sa jeunesse, tandis que Mme Drouet sommeille doucement. » L'amitié entre le dernier grand écrivain romantique et l'un des maîtres de l'école naturaliste naissante témoigne de l'acuité de Victor Hugo qui, au faîte de sa gloire, conserve une attention particulière et bienveillante pour la littérature moderne pourtant éloignée du lyrisme hugolien. Cette dédicace de Hugo à Daudet sur une œuvre qualifiée, avec Le Pape et La Pitié suprême, de « testament philosophique » par Henri Guillemin, résonne symboliquement comme le legs à un fervent disciple de la responsabilité politique et morale de l'écrivain. Provenance: Alphonse Daudet, vente Sicklès (1990, IV, n°1200) puis vente Philippe Zoummeroff (2 Avril 2001). Extrait de Souvenirs d'un cercle littéraire par Julia Daudet : "" Comment oublier cette première visite chez lui, rue de Clichy, dans le modeste appartement tellement disproportionné à sa gloire, à l'idée qu'on se faisait de cette gloire qui eût comblé des palais : Il se lève du siège qu'il occupait au coin du feu, en face de Mme Drouet, sa vieille amie, (...) je suis étonnée de sa petite taille, mais bientôt, quand il va m'accueillir et me parler, je le trouverais très grand, très intimidant. Et cette timidité que je ressentis alors, je l'éprouverai toujours en face d Victor Hugo, résultat de cette grande admiration, de ce respect, comme d'un dieu absent, que mes parents m'avaient inculqué pour le poète de génie. Je ne vaincrai jamais ce tremblement de la voix chaque fois que je répondrai à ses paroles obligeantes, et je m'étonnerai pendant près de dis ans d'entendre des femmes, admises auprès de lui, l'entretenir de leur intérieur et de leurs futilités habituelles. Ce soir-là, quand il m'eut présentée, toute confuse, à Mme Drouet, elle me dit avec une charmante bonne grâce : — Ici, c'est le coin des vieux et vous êtes trop jeune pour nous. Mais M. Victor Hugo va vous présenter à sa bru, Mme Lockroy; lui seul a qualité pour cela. Et je fus conduite à l'autre bout de la pièce, médiocrement grande, pourtant, mais qui était comme séparée en deux par une table surmontée d'un éléphant de bronze, très majestueux, japonais ou chinois, je pense. Il suffisait à faire deux petits groupements très distincts qui communiquaient facilement, mais sans se confondre. A ce moment de son retour, Victor Hugo était éblouissant d'esprit, de souvenirs nombreux et racontés avec une verve inépuisable, quand la politique n'envahissait pas trop sa table hospitalière. Et quelle grâce dans l'accueil, quelles nobles façons, quel beau sourire de grand-père sous ses cheveux que j'ai vus peu à peu blanchir jusqu'à la neige des quatre-vingts ans I Les poètes, tous les poètes fréquentaient ce salon de la rue de Clichy, et plus tard l'hôtel de l'avenue d'Eylau. Mais là, fut-ce le changement de place? Il y eut comme une marche descendue dans la santé, puis dans l'esprit du beau vieillard. Et pourtant, il aimait toujours à recevoir ses amis, et l'hospitalité de cette maison ouverte n'était pas un de ses moindres charmes, car, autour de la table, embellie en un bout par les deux petits-enfants du Maître, les convives cherchaient encore leur mot d'ordre aux yeux de l'hôte, et lui-même retrouvait parfois une veine de souvenirs si vivants, si pittoresquement exprimés, qu'on en restait ébloui toute une soirée. M mo Drouet vieillissait doucement auprès de lui, abritée sous deux bandeaux de neige, d'une élégance un peu théâtrale et surannée, jusqu'au jour où un mal impitoyable creusa ses traits si fins, en fit l'effigie douloureuse qu'a peinte Bastien Lepage, qui devait mourir en proie aux mêmes tortures. Dans les derniers temps, le Maître regardait douloureusement, aux dîners intimes, cette assiette vide, cette noble figure ravagée. — Madame Drouet, vous ne mangez pas, il faut manger, avoir du courage. Manger! Elle se mourait. Le savait-il? Essayait-il de se leurrer lui-même le beau vieillard si résistant et si fort, et qui voyait partir cette compagne de cinquante années! Dans le grand salon où se penche le beau portrait de Bonnat, au geste paternel, où le buste par David préside immensément ; dans le petit salon, orné de ces tapisseries rayées et multicolores qui semblaient tendues pour Dona Sol ; dans le jardin rejoint à la vérandah par un perron de deux marches réapparaissent Leconte de Lisle, Meurice et Vacquerie, Paul de Saint-Victor, le souriant Banville, Flaubert et Goncourt conversant ensemble, Mallarmé, Léon Cladel, François Coppée, Catulle Mendès, Clovis Hugues, ombres dans un Eden évanoui ; puis Léon Glaize, Gustave Rivet, Pierre Elzéar, la toute petite Mme Michelet offrant des roses un soir de fête, puis des ambassadeurs, des diplomates, l'empereur du Brésil; des peintres, des sculpteurs, et tant d'hommes politiques que je n'en sais plus les noms ! Voici l'impression immédiate que je traçai de l'une de ces soirées où nous nous étions rendus, Alphonse Daudet et moi, un soir de neige, où pendant le trajet notre cheval tomba trois fois en traversant l'esplanade des Invalides : Je vois Victor Hugo au grand bout de sa table; le maître vieilli, un peu isolé, un peu sourd, trône avec des silences de dieu, les absences d'un génie au bord de l'immortalité. Les cheveux tout blancs, la tête colorée, et cet œil de vieux lion qui se développe de côté avec des férocités de puis- sance ; il écoute mon mari et Catulle Mendès entre qui la discussion est très animée à propos de la jeunesse et de la célébrité des hommes connus et de leur séduction auprès des femmes. Alphonse prétend que dans un salon rempli de talents de toutes sortes, de tout âge, un tout jeune homme, l'auteur inconnu, le poète ignoré aura pour lui les regards féminins s'il est beau. Catulle Mendès lui répond qu'il restera d'abord inaperçu, et que toute les femmes iront à la notoriété : ceci me paraît plus vrai. Les femmes heureusement n'ont point que les yeux de leur visage, mais ceux de l'esprit et du cœur. Pour les intellectuelles, la beauté d'un artiste, d'un grand poète ne compte pas, c'est le regard du penseur, la physionomie tourmentée de l'homme qui vit de ses sensations. Elles vont au talent, au chagrin qui passe, elles ne songent guère à la beauté physique. Maintenant on pourrait répondre que c'est par une sympathie ambitieuse qu'elles recherchent les auteurs célèbres, mais l'autre sentiment, celui qui les attirerait vers cette jeunesse tentante dont parle Alphonse, me paraît moins avouable. Et je ris de cette prétention des deux causeurs charmants, de nous classer, de nous analyser. Mais dire la femme, c'est comme si on disait l'oiseau ; il y a tant d'espèces et de genres, les ramages et les plumages sont tellement différents ! Pendant le débat on est passé au salon, Victor Hugo songe au coin du feu, et célèbre, universel et demi-dieu, regrette peut-être sa jeunesse, tandis que Mme Drouet sommeille doucement. Ses beaux cheveux blancs ombrant sa fine tête comme deux ailes de colombe, et les nœuds de son corsage suivant sa respiration douce, presque résignée, de vieille femme endormie. Ce fut bientôt après cette soirée qu'eut lieu la grande manifestation de Paris défilant, avenue d'Eylau, devant les fenêtres de cette petite chambre qui devint mortuaire en mai 1885, remplie de roses et simplement meublée, telle que la représente, au musée Victor Hugo, une pièce prise dans l'ancien appartement du poète, place Royale. Bien évocateur, ce vieux logis du Marais,"" et quand on pense que Victor Hugo y composa presque toutes ses pièces historiques on se représente le poète, ouvrant, aux heures matinales qui lui étaient familières, cette haute fenêtre sur les hôtels tous égaux et du même style, qui entourent la Place, et se remémorant les tournois, les duels, les promenades et les agitations de plusieurs générations disparues sous l'ombre de ces arcades anciennes et solides et ne gardant pas trace de la fugitive humanité. Nous dînions encore chez Victor Hugo la semaine qui précéda sa mort. Il nous dit en entrant plus pâle qu'à l'ordinaire, la démarche fléchie : — Je vais bientôt m'en aller, je le sens ; puis s'appuyant à l'épaule de Georges : Sans 'cela' il y a longtemps que je serais parti. Je n'ai jamais oublié l'accent un peu solennel et comme prophétique de ces paroles, j'en fus pénétrée de tristesse et de pressentiment; j'y sentis la dispersion de ce centre unique au monde et qui ne put se reformer jamais !"" [ENGLISH TRANSLATION FOLLOWS] HUGO Victor Religions et religion First edition. Contemporary half red shagreen over marbled paper boards, (a few discreet repairs), spine in six compartments, date to foot, marbled paper-lined endpapers and pastedowns, covers preserved, top edge red. A very handsome autograph inscription signed by Victor Hugo to Alphonse Daudet. Mrs. Daudet's collection stamp to first endpaper. Victor Hugo represented for Alphonse Daudet, as for the other writers of his generation, the incontestable master of the Pantheon of the arts. His benevolent attention runs through Daudet's work, often listed side by side with Rousseau, Byron, Sand and Delacroix. If during Daudet's childhood and youth, Hugo, an exile of enormous stature in Guernsey, remained a distant ideal, ""almost above humanity"", his return to France allowed him finally to meet the master. Around 1875, just after his first works appeared, Alphonse and Julia Daudet were thus invited to Hugo's house; Hugo was living with Juliette Drouet at the time. From then on, they become frequent visitors to the house right up to the poet's death. Hugo helped with the young Léon Daudet's education, his grandson Georges' best friend and, later, for a short while, Jeanne's husband. In her Souvenirs d'un cercle littéraire [Memories of a Literary Circle], Julia Daudet talks of their friendship of ten years with ""the idol of lyric France"": ""I can see Victor Hugo at the end of his great table: the aged master, a little cut off, a little deaf, presiding with god-like silence, the little absences of a genius on the verge of immortality. His hair all white, his face colorful, and his eyes like an old lion's that would occasionally flash with ferocious bursts of force. He is listening to my husband and Catulle Mendès, between whom there is a very animated discussion on the subject of the youth and celebrity of famous men and their charm for women...During the debate, we moved through to the salon, with Hugo musing beside the fire, famous, omni-present and a demi-god, but perhaps still missing his youth a little, as Mme Drouet sleeps softly."" The friendship between this great Romantic writer and one of the masters of the nascent naturalist school is testimony to Hugo's sharpness who, even during his glory days, preserved a special and benevolent attention for modern literature, no matter how far removed it was from his own lyricism. This inscription from Hugo to Daudet on a work considered - along with Le Pape [The Pope] and La Pitié suprême [The Supreme Compassion] - a ""philosophical testament"" by Henri Guillemin, resonates strongly, the passing of the writer's political and moral responsibilities to a devoted disciple. Provenance: Alphonse Daudet, his sale at Sicklès (1990, IV, n°1200) then Philippe Zoummeroff's sale (2 Avril 2001). An extract from Memories of a Literary Circle by Julia Daudet : ""How could I forget that first visit to his, in the rue de Clichy, in a modest apartment so out of proportion to his glory, to the image of his glory that we had, which would have filled entire palaces. He got up out of his chair beside the fire, opposite Madame Drouet, his old friend...I was shocked by how small he was but soon, after he had greeted me and begun talking to me, I felt him very big indeed, very intimidating. And this timidity that I felt then, I would always feel towards him, the result of my great admiration and respect, something akin to that for an absent god, Michel Lévy, 1880, 5, Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
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De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - gebunden oder broschiert
1988, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
Large archive of personal and family correspondence consisting of 1,144 letters, 4,183 manuscript and typescript pages, approximately 85 related ephemeral items, 3 account, scrap and note… Mehr…
Large archive of personal and family correspondence consisting of 1,144 letters, 4,183 manuscript and typescript pages, approximately 85 related ephemeral items, 3 account, scrap and notebooks, 4 photographs. Archive of correspondence and personal papers of Richard M. Colgate and Henry Auchincloss Colgate, scions of the Colgate family, founders of the present-day Colgate-Palmolive, global household, and consumer products company. Richard Morse Colgate born 21 March 1854 in New York City was the son of Samuel M. Colgate (1822-1897) son of William Colgate, took over the family soap business after his father's death in 1857 and reorganized it into Colgate & Company. His son Richard, in time was president of Colgate & Company. The letters detail the lives of the Colgate family then living in Llewelleyn Park, West Orange, New Jersey, their interactions with their friends and neighbors Mr. and Mrs. Thomas A. Edison, and other industrial magnates. The Colgate's discuss their domestic and social lives, business, politics, social work, philanthropy, travel, and their often-surprising attitudes towards taxation and the progressive policies of Roosevelt. There are a number of letters between the Colgates while Henry was a student at The Hill School and then Yale. Harry Colgate traveled to India, China, and Japan in 1914. The Colgates were interested in the commercial prospects of Asia, especially China. While Henry was abroad World War I broke out. Upon his return to America, he went to work for the family firm and was active in Y.M.C.A war work once America entered the war. The Colgate's discuss the war and its effects on America, American life, and business. The collection also includes an excellent series of letters written while Colgate was training to become a pilot in the U.S. Army Air Corps in Chanute Field in Rantoul, Illinois, Baker Field, San Antonio, Texas, and Park Field, Wellington, Tennessee. The letters offer highly detailed descriptions of pilot training and life in the earliest days of U.S. military aviation. Samuel Colgate introduced Cashmere Bouquet, the world's first milled perfumed soap in 1872. Then in 1873, Colgate introduced its first Colgate Toothpaste, an aromatic toothpaste sold in jars. In 1896, the company sold its first toothpaste in a collapsible tube (which had recently been invented by dentist Washington Sheffield), named Colgate Ribbon Dental Cream. Also in 1896, Colgate hired Martin Ittner and under his direction founded one of the first applied research labs. The manufactory he built in Jersey City developed into one of the largest establishments of its kind in the world and is now part of Colgate-Palmolive. He was also prominent in philanthropic work. For more than 30 years he was trustee of Colgate University, and for many years he was president of the New York Baptist Education Society, president of the Society for the Suppression of Vice, and a member of the executive committee of the American Baptist Missionary Union and of the American Tract Society. Conjointly with his brother, James Boorman Colgate, he gave large sums to Colgate University, which in 1890 was named in honor of the Colgate family. His son, Samuel Colgate, Jr. became the first head football coach at the school. Richard Morse Colgate, after graduating Yale in 1877, entered the employment of his father. Before the death of Samuel Colgate, the other brothers had all become employees of the firm, and by the father's will the soap business was placed in their control. Afterward it was incorporated. Richard Morse Colgate became president of Colgate & Company. Richard Colgate was active in the civic life of Orange, New Jersey. He was active in the work of the North Orange Baptist Church and was a trustee at the time of his death in 1919. He was one of the founders of the Y.MC.A. of the Oranges, and for thirty-four years was a director. He was a member of the finance committee of the Baptist Educational Society of New York. He was the first treasurer of the Orange Lawn Tennis Club, formed in 1880. He married Margaret Cabell Auchincloss, or Orange, the couple had two children Henry Auchincloss Colgate (1890-1957) and Muriel Colgate. Henry Auchincloss Colgate, a partner in Wood, Struthers & Co., investments, and director of the Colgate-Palmolive Company, was born in Llewellyn Park, West Orange, New Jersey. He graduated from the Hill School in 1909 and received an A.B. degree from Yale in 1913. During World War I he served as a lieutenant in the aviation section of the Signal Corps. He received pilot's license 902 issued in 1919. His business career started with a vice presidency in the Colgate Company in 1920. Thereafter, it was primarily in the financial field. In 1934, he became a limited partner in Spencer Trask & Co. After four years with this company Colgate became a partner of James B. Colgate & Co., and in 1946 he joined Wood, Struthers & Co. as a partner. Colgate was also director of the International Paper Company. He was a member of the board of trustees of Colgate University, the Boys Club of New York amongst other organizations. https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1957/10/17/91169632.html?pageNumber=33 Sample Quotes:"Hotel St. George, Mustapha-Algiers, Feb. 3, 1907 My Dear Henry, Mr. Arthur died quite unexpectedly yesterday morning. Though liable to pass away at any moment the family did not think that it would happen for possibly some weeks or months. This leaves his two children to grow up without a Father's guidance and as the son will inherit a very large fortune it may be hard for him to resist the many temptations which naturally will follow. When a young man does not have any incentive to work it is bad for him. For he is liable to use his energies along possible evil ways. A good business or profession is what I want you to follow. Any line that is congenial or that interests you. But to simply live on inherited wealth and give up ones time to amusements is not the object for which we were born into this world. I don't care what line you take up in life but take something which will occupy you. A young man should be ambitious along some line, also endeavor to be keenly alive and interested in at least one charity or institution for doing good. One that you will have to give not simply money to but some of your time. Time that you want for yourself and when you take it, you can feel that it is an effort and costs you something. Its not real charity if it does not cost you something. There now, I do not want to preach you a sermon but all the same you are already to understand what I mean and be able to live a manly life. your Father""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Orange, N.J., May 17, 1907 My dear Henry, Muriel has had the fair Friday to which all of her sewing class have been looking forward for a month or two past. It was given in the play house and the decoration, the grounds, the animals in the tree house and tables on the lawn made the place most attractive. Dozens of small girls with here and there a gem of a boy dotted the place and it was a grand success every way netting for the settlement work in the vally some $ 180. Dollars. It shows what even children can do when they really work for an object and it enlists their interest in something which makes for good. That is something in a boarding school which can not so well be developed as you all are kept by yourselves and do not have as many opportunities for enlisting your sympathies along outside work for others. Cultivate all you can, when your habits are forming of becoming interested in other people with the idea of doing them some good turn and aiding them Father""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, May 18th, 1907 My dear Henry, Mrs. Edison has gone down to visit Madeline she spoke of inviting you to lunch in Phila. To day, but I don't know whether she did so, and you probably could not get of in any case it was kind of her to think of it, Mother""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Orange, N.J., June 5/07 My dear Henry, I have read with much interest all you have written about Pomeroy and will be greatly pleased if he turns out to be the kind of fellow you want for a college chum. Taking a chum is a most important step for you will both influence the other greatly. I want to know Pomeroy before deciding whether it will be best for you to room with him. Character is the main thing to look for and if it is based on an earnest Christian life you have something to lean and depend upon. After all as we grow older we find that we need help help in many many ways and if we can get this from above then we have the best of all helps. Let me know more about Pomeroys character. I know he must a popular fellow and no doubt will make a good chum but first Mother and I want to meet him. Father""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Nov 10/07My dear Henry, On Tuesday your Uncle Austin was after an exciting campaign elected a member of the N. J. Legislature much to his and our joy. The politicians speak of him as the possible speaker of the house, but I doubt if he gets that responsible place. Last Sunday Vance was asked to go to the city and pilot Mr & Mrs Carnegie to Mr Franks. He had a great time at their NY home and you must get him to tell you his experiences The 50 servants, their ignorance of American ways &c &c Father""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, January 10, 1908My Dear Henry, I was glad to get your note this a.m. and to know that all was well with you the first word after you leave us is always anxiously awaited. Mrs. Edison had had two letters from Charles last night and I wanted to hear from my boy too! It is hard to take up work again after a good holiday, is it not? But you would not enjoy the holiday so much if it had not been for the hard work which preceeded it Father and I had a very pleasant time at the Library dance on Wed. night fifty two dined at the Country Club before hand. Last night we had dinner with Mrs. Edison Madeline has not yet gone back she looks rather pale and thin yet I think but she hopes to get back to work on Monday. Mr. Edison was very interesting, talking about his battery, concrete houses, his liking for Mark Twain &c, &c. We always enjoy listening to him. Father went thro the factory yesterday Mother" "Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Orange, N.J., Jan 12, 08 My Dear Henry, Uncle Jack is with us but does not feel over well if only he could have taken the trip with us it would have done him a world of good Yesterday I brought my books from the office and worked over them pretty much all day. I visited however Edison's laboratory and went over the buildings with Mr. Edison. They are most interesting and I learned much. The employees however should have more attention and their condition made better. Father""Hotel Gotham, New York City, January 26th, 1908 My Dearest Henry, Mrs. Edison came in to go with me yesterday to the Opera We had been reading a French story together which is being given as an Opera but the latter was not as good as the book nearly - it is often so I find, good stories are spoiled when dramatized. Last night we dined at Dr. Starr's and listed to an animated discussion on Roosevelt and his policy towards the trusts, railroads &c Father of course defended Mr. Roosevelt, the others were not enthusiastic over his methods recently. Dr. Starr was interesting about mind cures, Christian Science &c he believes of course that many of our ailments can be cured by bringing influence to bear on the mind, but when Mrs. Eddy says we have no diseases she goes a little too far!... Mother""Hotel Gotham, New York City, Jan 26, 08 My Dear Henry, I went on Friday evening to the Yale dinner at Orange, taking Uncle Dick with me. It was the best one I have attended. Sec'y Taft Yale 78 was there also Gov. Fort of N. J. and Phelps of Yale. There were 177 present at the dinner given in the Woman's Club. I wish you could have been there. Taft made a good impression. He is most genial in manner and takes a keen interest in those who may be speaking to him. He was as cordial in manner to the Glee Club fellows just down from New Haven as to Gov. Fort or others "high up." This is one of the causes of his great popularity I enclose a report of his speech. Read especially where I have marked it. It is so true. Many have high ideals but are of little use In the world because they insist on having their way in everything and will accept nothing short of their desires. We must learn to compromise to be content with getting a little at a time and then progress will be made, but the man who wants all or nothing usually fails. The prohibitionists, while strong for what they believe to be right many times make failures because they will accept nothing even though a great improvement like high licence or local option and therefore often fail. Take one step at a time but keep at it. Taft gave a view of his trip round the world and spoke of meeting Yale men everywhere and always at the top" "Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, March 12, 1908 My Dear Henry, The Edisons are back at Glenmont but expect to leave on Sat for Florida with a doctor in their party to look after Mr. E's head. Mrs. Edison thinks Charles may have to remain at school for part of the vacation to make up the time he lost on account of his Father's operation. I think Father will be perfectly willing for you to bring a boy with you to Sunapee. Mother" "Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Nov. 2, 1908 My Dear Henry, The children had a gala time yesterday a party at Sevenoaks in the afternoon and after supper I allowed them to put on sheets and black masks and with Grandpa and I as escorts they called on the Franks and Edisons at Bonaire they found Theo. Edison & Herbert Barry for supper and the boys were rather surprised that the little girls had gotten ahead of them. At the Edisons there were great goings on a maze made of black calico between the stable & garage an electric handrail leading to the upper floor which would give a shock to those going up to supper. Witches and ghosts were flitting about the grounds in every direction. We heard the music continuously until twelve o'clock. Poor Mrs E was suddenly taken ill with tonsilitis and could not be present. Mother""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Nov. 8, 1908 My Dear Henry, Auntie Hill has returned from Washington having had an interview with Mr. Roosevelt in which he expressed, 0, Paris: Crochard, 1823. DOCUMENTING THE BIRTH OF ELECTRODYNAMICS. A beautiful copy bound in contemporary red morocco of the definitive version of this continually evolving collection of important memoirs on electrodynamics by Ampère (1775-1836) and others over the period 1820-1823, beginning with his 'Premier Mémoire', the "first great memoir on electrodynamics" (DSB). "Ampère had originally intended the collection to contain all the articles published on his theory of electrodynamics since 1820, but as he prepared copy new articles on the subject continued to appear, so that the fascicles, which apparently began publication in 1821, were in a constant state of revision, with at least five versions of the collection appearing between 1821 and 1823 under different titles" (Norman). Some of the 25 pieces in the collection are published here for the first time, others appeared earlier in journals such as Arago's Annales de Chimie et de Physique and the Journal de Physique. But even the articles that had appeared earlier are modified for the Receuil, or have additional notes by Ampère, to reflect his progress and changes in viewpoint in the intervening period. Many of the articles that are new to the present work concern Ampère's reaction to Faraday's first paper on electromagnetism, 'On some new electro-magnetical motions, and on the theory of magnetism', originally published in the 21 October 1821 issue of the Quarterly Journal of Science, which records the first conversion of electrical into mechanical energy and contains the first enunciation of the notion of a line of force. Faraday's work on electromagnetic rotations would lead him to become the principal opponent of Ampère's mathematically formulated explanation of electromagnetism as a manifestation of currents of electrical fluids surrounding 'electrodynamic' molecules. The Receuil contains the first French translation of Faraday's paper followed by extended notes by Ampère and his brilliant student Félix Savary (1797-1841). Ampère's reaction to Faraday's criticisms are the subject of several of the articles in the second half of the Receuil. The collection also includes Ampère's important response to a letter from the Dutch physicist Albert van Beek (1787-1856), in which "Ampère argued eloquently for his model, insisting that it could be used to explain not only magnetism but also chemical combination and elective affinity. In short, it was to be considered the foundation of a new theory of matter. This was one of the reasons why Ampère's theory of electrodynamics was not immediately and universally accepted. To accept it meant to accept as well a theory of the ultimate structure of matter itself" (DSB). The volume concludes with a résumé of a paper read by Savary to the Académie des Sciences on 3 February 1823, and a letter from Ampère to Faraday, dated 18 April 1823 (which does not appear in the Table of Contents), showing that this definitive version of the Receuil was in fact published in 1823. Only three other copies of this work listed by ABPC/RBH. Provenance: Marcel Gompel (1883-1944) (ex-libris on front paste-down - Répertoire général des ex-libris français: G1896). A Jewish professor at the Collège de France, Gompel worked in the Laboratoire d'Histoire naturelle des corps organisés from 1922 to 1940, under the direction of André Mayer. In World War II he became a hero of the French resistance and was finally tortured and executed on orders from Klaus Barbie, the chief of the Gestapo in Lyon. When Barbie came to trial, the prosecutors used Gompel's case as a particularly clear and egregious example of his guilt of crimes against humanity. His superb library was stolen by the Nazis. The collection opens with the 'Premier Mémoire' [1] (numbering as in the list of contents, below), first published in Arago's Annales at the end of 1820. This was Ampère's "first great memoir on electrodynamics" (DSB), representing his first response to the demonstration on 21 April 1820 by the Danish physicist Hans Christian Oersted (1777-1851) that electric currents create magnetic fields; this had been reported by François Arago (1786-1853) to an astonished Académie des Sciences on 4 September. In this memoir Ampère "demonstrated for the first time that two parallel conductors, carrying currents traveling in the same direction, attract each other; conversely, if the currents are traveling in opposite directions, they repel each other" (Sparrow, Milestones, p. 33). The first quantitative expression for the force between current carrying conductors appeared in Ampère's less well-known 'Note sur les expériences électro-magnétiques' [2], which originally appeared in the Annales des Mines. Ampère stated, without proof, that, if two infinitely small portions of electric current A and B, with intensities g and h, separated by a distance r, set at angles and to AB and in directions which created with AB two planes at an angle with each other, the action they exert on each other is gh (sin sin sin + k cos cos )/r2, where k is an unknown constant which he stated could 'conveniently' be taken to be zero. This last assumption was an error which significantly retarded his progress in the next two years before he stated correctly that k = 1/2 in his article [13], published for the first time in the Receuil. This article comprised 'notes' on a lecture [12] delivered to the Institut in April 1822 in which he surveyed experimental work carried out by himself and others since 1821 (he also published for the first time there the words 'electro-static' and 'electro-dynamic'). The full theoretical and experimental proof of the correct value of k appeared in two articles in Arago's Annales in 1822, [19] and [20], in an article by Savary [22], and in experiments with de la Rive [17] (see below). On 20 January 1821 Ampère performed an experiment together with César-Mansuète Despretz (1798-1863) intended to support his own theory of the interaction of electric currents against a rival theory of Jean-Baptiste Biot (1774-1862) and Félix Savart (1791-1841) presented to the Académie on 30 October 1820. This was reported in article [21], the first "experimentally based semi-axiomatic presentation of electrodynamics" (Hofmann, p. 316). A small cylindrical magnet was placed at the same distance from two perpendicular current carrying wires. The Biot-Savart theory predicted that the magnet would experience no net force; Ampère's theory predicted that the magnet would experience a non-zero torque from the nearby currents. But when Ampère and Despretz performed the experiment the magnet did not move (p. 343). This defeat, together with illness and fatigue, caused Ampère to suspend his electrodynamical researches for several months. What little energy he could muster for electrodynamics was mainly devoted to correspondence. According to Ampère, magnetic forces were the result of the motion of two electric fluids; permanent magnets contained these currents running in circles concentric to the axis of the magnet and in a plane perpendicular to this axis. By implication, the earth also contained currents which gave rise to its magnetism. It was not long, however, before Auguste Fresnel (1788-1827) pointed out to his friend Ampère that his theory had several difficulties, notably the fact that the supposed currents in magnets should have a heating effect which was not observed. Fresnel suggested that the electric currents circulated around each molecule, rather than around the axis of the magnet. In January 1821 Ampère publicly accepted Fresnel's idea. Not everyone was convinced of the identity of electricity and magnetism, however. Humphry Davy (1778-1829) expressed doubts in a letter to Ampère of 20 February 1821 [7]. Ampère's idea of magnetism created by circulating electric currents was also in direct opposition to a theory put forward by Johann Joseph von Prechtl (1778-1854), and supported by the great Swedish chemist Jöns Jacob Berzelius (1779-1848), according to which electromagnetism was 'transverse magnetism' - whereas Ampère eliminated magnetism and showed how all the phenomena could be accounted for by the action of two electric fluids, Prechtl and Berzelius reduced electromagnetism to magnetic action. Berzelius expressed this view in his letter [3]; Ampère responded in a letter to Arago [4]. In April 1821 Ampère wrote to Paul Erman (1764-1851), professor of physics at the University of Berlin and perpetual secretary of Berlin's Royal Academy, in response to Erman's Umrisse zu den physischen verhältnissen des von Herrn Professor Oersted entdeckten elektro-chemischen Magnetismus (Berlin, 1821). Ampère declared that his electric theory of magnetism was established "as solidly as a physical theory can be, since, in only admitting it at first as a hypothesis, it serves to predict and make known in advance all the magnetic phenomena formerly known, those which M. Oersted has discovered, and the new properties whose existence in voltaic conductors I have made known. When one finds such an agreement between the facts and the hypothesis from which one started, can one recognize it merely as a simple hypothesis? Is it not, on the contrary, a truth founded on incontestable proofs?" In the same letter Ampère calmly harvested Erman's experimental discoveries as further confirmatory evidence. "The observations described in the memoir which you have been so good as to send me are all the more new proofs of it. For, if I am not mistaken, they could all be predicted according to the theory in which magnets are considered to be assemblages of what I call electric currents" (Hofmann, pp. 277-8). Erman's experiments influenced Ampère's investigations of induction in July 1821, in which he very nearly anticipated Faraday's landmark discovery of electromagnetic induction a decade later (see below). Ampère again stressed the 'identity' of electricity and magnetism in a lecture to the Académie on 2 April 1821 [5]. He also expressed his views on the nature of magnetism in a letter to Gaspard de la Rive (1770-1834) [8]. "Perhaps in an attempt to accommodate the positivistic inclinations of some of his Parisian colleagues, or to avoid the adoption of hypotheses, Ampère normally wrote on electricity and magnetism in a phenomenological vein, eschewing noumenal questions. But there were exceptions: [an] example occurred in a letter of 15 May 1821 to the Swiss physicist Gaspard de la Rive, which was published in the recipient's journal Bibliotheque universelle. Adopting the two-fluid theory of electricity then prevalent in France, he spoke, rather in passing, of "the series of decompositions and of recompositions of the fluid formed by the reunion of the two electricities of which one regards electrical currents as composed" (p. 122). Thus at this time Ampère's aetherian framework was based on electric current regarded as de- and recomposition of fluid(s), and magnetism construed in terms of these currents rotating around each magnetic molecule" (Grattan-Guinness, p. 927). As far as Ampère was concerned, "The physical theory of electrodynamics was now complete. Given the concepts of the ether and the electromotive force of matter as Ampère had formulated them, all the observed effects could be explained; not only explained, but subjected to mathematical analysis. The combination was a potent one and the accuracy of Ampère's calculations and the depths of his insight led many to embrace his theory. Ampère, however, was not satisfied with merely creating a model of electrodynamic action. By 1821 he was intoxicated by his vision and convinced that his electrodynamic molecules really existed. They must, then, also explain other areas of physics and chemistry. "In his 'Answer to the Letter of M. van Beck' [i.e., van Beek] [11], published in October 1821, Ampère turned his attention once again to the problem of chemical combination ... What determined whether a reaction would take place and if so, with what violence, was the electrical condition of the participating molecules. To explain the mechanism of chemical combination, Ampère had recourse to another analogy; molecules were not only like voltaic piles, but also like Leyden jars. The facts of electrochemistry proved "that the particles of substances are essentially in two opposed electrical states." In order to preserve its electrical neutrality, each molecule, therefore, decomposed the ambient ether to attract the electricity of the opposite sign. Ampère did not say if this was why each molecule was surrounded by electric currents but his use of the Leyden jar analogy would appear to rule out this possibility. The molecule, presumably, had both an inherent electrical charge and electric currents associated with it. It was the inherent static charge that caused chemical combination; the resultant combination of the two electricities gave rise to heat and light and both the material and energy relations of reactions could be understood in terms of the same mechanism ... There can be no doubt that he took his own theory seriously as a general theory of matter. Nor was he alone in this. During the 1820's Becquerel in Paris and Auguste de la Rive (1801-73) in Geneva used the electrodynamic model in their researches in electrochemistry" (Williams, pp. 150-1). Late in 1821, however, Ampère's satisfaction with his theory of magnetism was seriously challenged by Faraday's discovery of electromagnetic rotation, a development which thrust Faraday immediately into the first rank of European scientists. "In the autumn he had to face a powerful criticism from Faraday, whose paper 'On some new electro-magnetical motions' came out in a French translation [9] in Arago's Annales, soon after its appearance in a London journal. A seminal paper in Faraday's contributions to the topic, it announced that continuous rotation could occur if a pivoted cylindrical magnet moved around a fixed wire, and also if a pivoted wire moved round a fixed magnet. In October he sent to Ampère and [Jean-Nicolas-Pierre] Hachette (1769-1834) one of his pieces of apparatus, and Ampère demonstrated its working to the Académie in November. "From the theoretical point of view, the chief challenge to Ampère's view was Faraday's conviction that such motions could not be explained by theories based on inter-molecular forces. Faraday's alternative, drawn from this and other experiments, was to give preference to curved 'lines of force'; but Ampère was anxious to preserve his own approach. Accordingly, when the translation was prepared, he had a set of appendicial notes [10] made by a new helper, Félix Savary, polytechnicien of the promotion of 1815 and thus one of Ampère's old students, and in 1821 principally a geographer by profession. Ampère added his name to these notes to indic, Crochard, 1823, 0, Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
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De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - gebunden oder broschiert
2010, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1888. First edition. THE BIRTH OF CINEMATOGRAPHY: THE FOUNDATION OF THE MOVIE INDUSTRY. A remarkable collection of offprints documenting Marey's foundational con… Mehr…
Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1888. First edition. THE BIRTH OF CINEMATOGRAPHY: THE FOUNDATION OF THE MOVIE INDUSTRY. A remarkable collection of offprints documenting Marey's foundational contributions to the science of cinematography. Marey was "the lead character in the birth of scientific cinema" (Tosi, p. 82); he "was the first to use a single camera to produce photographs on a strip of sensitized film in real time, rapidly enough for the illusion of movement to be reconstituted for more than a single viewer at once ... Marey's contribution to the history of cinema began on 15 October 1888 with an announcement to the Académie des Sciences, the forum for all his presentations. Before he described his photographic experiments with the revolving mirror, he declared his intention to make a series of images on a long band of sensitized paper, 'animated by a rapid translation with stoppages at the moment of pose.' Two weeks later he presented the members of the Académie with the first series of pictures he had made. The paper bands, about 50 centimeters long, that his colleagues passed around were greeted with interest and pleasure ... They were the earliest filmed images of movement ever seen in public" (Braun, pp. 150-151). "This was indeed the birth of cinematography, which Marey communicated to the Académie des Sciences on 29 October 1888. On this historic occasion Janssen was in the chair, but few of the other members could have realized that these small strips of photographic paper marked the foundation of a new art and a new industry" (Michaelis, p. 741). "When Marey saw that the pattern of leg motions and hoofbeats of a trotting horse could be depicted clearly by photographs taken in rapid succession, he turned to the perfection of a photographic device that could be used to improve his studies of animal locomotion. Beginning in 1881, his modifications of a camera that had been used by Janssen to record the transit of Venus in 1874 made an important contribution to the development of cinematographic techniques. Also in 1881 he persuaded the municipal council of Paris to annex to his professorial chair land at the Parc-des-Princes, where he constructed a Physiological Station for the photographic study of animal motion outdoors under the most natural conditions possible. For almost the whole of the following two decades he devoted himself to the application of cinematography to physiology, extending its use to such subjects as photographing water currents produced by the motions of fish and microscopic organisms" (DSB). Many of these offprints contain images from nature of extraordinary beauty and complexity made possible by Marey's inventions. Provenance: Bibliotheca Mechanica (bookplate inside folding case); Beautiful Evidence: The Library of Edward Tufte, Christie's New York, 2 December 2010, lot 111. Marey (1830-1904) "began in the late 1850s with graph-making instruments that intercepted movements invisible to the eye, such as the rhythm of the pulse, and traced them onto the surface of a smoke-blackened cylinder. With these instruments, he was able to monitor movements that were hidden in the body, like the beat of the heart, or that happened in units of time so large or small as to be beyond the reach of the senses, like the gaits of a horse or the flight of a bird, and to translate them into a form of writing that made them fully intelligible for the first time [1, 2] ... When the relations among the parts of the animate machine were highly complex and numerous, however, Marey found that his instruments could not provide all the information he needed to make a proper analysis. Such was the case when he began his study of locomotion proper, which he began about 1870 ... [Marey] wanted to depict in a single image all the relationships occurring both between one body part and each of the others and the body as a whole at each of several instants of a specific movement executed during a discrete unit of time and in a specifically defined and constant space. In 1870 there was no machine that could do this. "The camera, of course, could describe the body and all its parts at once but no camera could provide a description over time. It could freeze a single image of a moving body if the figure were at a distance, but photographic optics and chemistry prohibited the recording of ongoing movement, at least until 1878. In that year the Anglo-American photographer Eadweard Muybridge (1830-1904) published a series of photographs he had taken of moving horses. Muybridge's work was a stimulus for Marey. But whereas Muybridge had used multiple cameras to capture the shape of the horse's body at isolated phases of its motion, Marey wanted to give a visible expression to the continuity of movement of the equidistant and known intervals as his graphing machine had done, and to do so within a single image" (Braun, pp. xvii-xviii). Marey observed that Muybridge's technique did not apply, for example, to the free flight of birds. He therefore made plans to construct a machine in the shape of a rifle which would allow one to take aim and follow in space a bird in flight, while a rotating plate recorded a series of images which showed the successive position of the wings. Marey's photographic rifle was derived from the 'photographic revolver' of Jules Janssen (1824-1907) who was the first to take automatically a series of photographic images representing the successive phases of a phenomenon (in Janssen's case a transit of Venus across the face of the Sun). He described his photographic gun as follows in i882: "'The barrel of this rie is a tube that contains a photographic lens. At the back, rmly attached to the butt, there is a broad cylindrical breech containing a clockwork. When one presses the trigger of the gun, the clockwork starts, setting into motion the various pieces of the device. A central axis, making 12 revolutions per second, drives all the parts of the contraption. The most important of these parts is an opaque disc pierced by a narrow window. This disc works as a shutter and only lets the light from the lens through twelve times per second, for 1/720th of a second each time. There was a photographic plate behind the shutter, either circular or octagonal, which rotated jerkily but regularly. Twelve images were successively imprinted on the periphery of the plate.' "Interesting though it was, Marey was not fully satised with his photographic rie yet. The photographs that it took were too small, rather dull, and sometimes difficult to distinguish. Moreover, there were frequent and frustrating technical difficulties with the device. This is why the xed plate chronophotographic camera was developed ... This apparatus consisted of 'a traditional camera, but slightly modied and equipped with a rotating disc. The window of this shutter can be enlarged or reduced so as to adjust the time exposure in accordance with the brightness of the light and with the angular speed of the disc. With a reduced window and a slow rotation, the images are distant from one another. They are closer when the rotation is faster. The disc is powered by a spring motor or a weight motor, and a small shutter opens or closes the exposure'" (biusante.parisdescartes.fr/histoire/medica/presentations/marey/03-). At this point Marey's techniques, which he called 'chronographic', became known as 'photochronographic', or simply as 'chronophotography.' "By 1882 Marey had succeeded in making the camera into a scientific instrument that rivalled his graphing instruments in its power to clearly express change over time ... He captured ongoing phases of movement and spread them over the photographic plate in an undulating pattern of overlapping segments. Almost without precedent in the history of representation (only Leonardo da Vinci had attempted to depict motion in the same form of overlapping contours), Marey's photographs gave visible extension to the present, virtually representing the passage of time" (Braun, p. xviii). "But the possibility of multiplying almost indefinitely the number of images the camera could make was now beginning to be hampered by the inherent strength of photography, its capacity to reproduce in complete visible detail everything that is in front of the camera ... The resulting photographs, he wrote, 'present such numerous superimpositions that the only result is a lot of confusion' [3] ... To make the camera 'see' what was invisible, he suppressed the field of visibility - what the camera could see ... He clothed his subjects all in black, marked their joints with shiny buttons, and connected the buttons with metal bands. With this artifice Marey was finally able to transform his subject into a graphic notation. Because the surface of the subject was greatly diminished - only the dots and lines made impression on the plate - the number of photographs taken could be greatly augmented ... The brighter markings, Marey reported, 'made the estimation of time easier and created a reference point from which to compare the movement of the legs and arms' [3]. Marey could now make a photographic image totally without precedent. He had invented an absolutely original, indeed, revolutionary, method of photographing movement by decomposing it and registering its segments on a single readable plate" (ibid., pp. 79-82). He proceeded to use his new technique to analyse human locomotion [4, 5, 6]. Later he started a "survey of pathological locomotion by making geometric chronophotographs of crippled and motion-impaired patients from Paris hospitals [6] ... They had widespread consequences affecting courses of physiotherapy and also the making of prosthetic devices" (ibid., p. 102). "In summer 1887 Albert Londe had brought four Arabian horses - complete with their Arab riders in flowing native dress - to be chronophotographed ... Two elephants and a water buffalo arrived from the zoo, borrowed to act as subjects in Marey's comparative anatomy study; their joints too were suitably marked with dots, crosses, and other shapes cut out of white paper before they were made to walk and amble for his camera [13]" (ibid., p. 124). "To make an image of the three-dimensional movements of the torso shifting in space as it reacts to the movements of the limbs, Marey briefly switched from his chronophotographic camera to a stereoscopic camera, with twin lenses separated by a distance equal to that between the eyes. He placed a metal button reflecting the bright sun on the coccyx of a man clothed all in black, and the camera captured the curves the metal button made as the now invisible man walked away from them; the resulting pictures were looked at through a stereoscopic viewer that reconstituted binocular vision, making the disembodied, undulating lines fixed by the stereo camera seem like an exotic calligraphy, all the more remarkable in three dimensions [7]" (ibid., p. 100). From the data furnished by the different sets of photographs he sculpted plaster models, first of birds [12] and then of humans [14, 15]. These sculptures, some of which were made by Georges Engrand, were then mounted into a very large zootrope, to make what he called his 'synthesis in relief'. As the zootrope was spun he could view the motion from different aspects. "Anticipating holograms, Marey described his new experiment thus: 'The great advantage of figures in relief is that it allows one to see the bird under all possible angles ... one can study at will the movement of the wings, and slow down the speed as one likes, reducing more or less the rotation of the zootrope' ... This simple machine ... stimulated the imagination of such artists as Max Ernst, who made it the subject of a graphic transcription where one of his figures takes off and flies away" (Tosi, p. 107). "In his 1888 note to the Académie des Sciences that accompanied the presentation of Engrand's casts, Marey specified the service that detailed chronophotography provided for art ... 'Certain artistic representations of walkers or runners are sometimes bothersome to the physiologist familiar with the succession of movement in human locomotion. The impression is somewhat analogous to what we feel in front of those landscapes painted when the laws of perspective were less observed than they are today. The difficulty artists find in representing men or animals in action is explained when we realise that the most skilled observers declare themselves incapable of seizing the successive phases of locomotive movements. To this end, chronophotography seems called to render services to art as it does to science, since it analyses the most rapid and most complicated movements' [15]" (Braun, pp. 207-208). "Marey was conceptually ready now for the steps towards the final stage of technical development of cinematography as we know it today, which is to say a camera with moving film. In 1887 in France, Eastman began selling a new sensitive film placed on a paper strip that could be rolled onto a bobbin, which would be destined eventually to replace glass plates. This was to avoid the problem of their weight and the fact that they were hard to handle, but also because the new film allowed the camera to be loaded just once for a whole series of photographs ... Marey asked the photographer Balagny, an artisan manufacturer of sensitive materials and already his supplier, to make him some strips of his new type of emulsioned paper. Having gained experience from the photographic rifle on the various types of chronophotography (with fixed plate, multiple lenses, mobile plates), Marey was about to construct a new series of filming machines: filmstrip chronophotography ... On 29 October 1888 he presented to the Académie des Sciences his first results in a paper entitled 'Décomposition des phases d'un mouvement au moyen d'images photographiques successives, recueillies sur une bande de papier sensible qui se déroule' [17]: 'I have the honour to present ... a series of images obtained at a rate of twenty images per second. The apparatus I have constructed for this purpose has running through it a strip of sensitive paper that can reach 1.60 metres per second' ... "With regards to the technical descriptions of the first film cameras, one cannot but be astonished by the series of brilliant inventions that we owe to Marey - they each constitute genuine qualitative leaps compared with the technology of the day and even his previous work. The first model [17], in which the apparatus was housed entirely in a camera obscura from which the lens emerged, used an ingenious system to move the strip intermittently. The strip, driven at constant speed, was stopped periodically by an electromagnetically operated clamp, just as the shutter opening passed the focal plane. The second model [19] was already portable since the entire mechanism for rolling and unrolling the paper strip was, Gauthier-Villars, 1888, 0, Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
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De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - gebunden oder broschiert
2015, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
UK,slim 8vo HB+dw/dj,1st edn.NFINE/NFINE.No owner inscrptn and no price-clip to dw/dj.Bright,crisp,clean,glossy laminated,composed artist's contemporary b/w portrait photographic illustra… Mehr…
UK,slim 8vo HB+dw/dj,1st edn.NFINE/NFINE.No owner inscrptn and no price-clip to dw/dj.Bright,crisp,clean,glossy laminated,composed artist's contemporary b/w portrait photographic illustrated front panel of dw/dj, with HumphreyLyttelton b/w portrait photograpic rear panel,with fluorescent blue gilt and b/w lettering; with negligible shelf-wear and creasing to edges and corners - no nicks or tears to same.Rear panel has some minor abrasion and indentations (grit?) some of which,superficially affecting the board beneath.Top+fore-edges bright and clean; contents bright,tight, clean - pristine - no dog-ear reading creases to any pages' corners,would appears unread - apart from my own collation. Bright,crisp,clean,sharp-cornered,publisher'soriginal,plain red cloth boards with bright,crisp,stamped silver gilt letters to spine/ backstrip and immaculate plainwhite endpapers.UK,slim 8vo HB+ dw/dj,1st edn,5-160pp [paginated] includes editor's note,10 chapters,profuse jazz artists b/wautobiographical photographs throughout the text and the book; plus [unpaginated] b/w photographic illustrated half-title page,and a contents list/table. 'The Best of Jazz Score' is an unparalleled selection of anecdotes, one-liners and reminiscences from the BBC Radio 2 series 'Jazz Score'. Collected here is the cream of the banter from regulars Ronnie Scott,Humphrey Littleton,Benny Green,George Melly and numerous other programme guests.Jazz musicians are renowned for their acerbic wit and longmemories - both of which combine in this book to produce intriguing,hilarious and irreverent glimpses into the jazz world.Did you know,for example,that Louis Armstrong's ears used to go up and down with his phrasing? And that when Count Basie said 'One more time' after playing 'April in Paris' at a jazz-lover's funeral,the coffin began to reverse back through the curtains! And there are lots more stories like those; read,for instance,George Chisholm on Sinatra,Humphrey Lyttleton on Billie Holiday,Ronnie Scott on Nina Simone,John Dankworth on Cleo Laine,as well as stories about jazz legends Louis Armstrong,Fats Waller and Count Basie.When you slip between the pages of 'The Best of Jazz Score',you enter a smoky backstage world where Roy Pellett's selection of jokes and wicked tales will keep youamused for hours.If you love jazz and want to meet the musicians,this book is a must for you. Since April 2013,and again in March 2015,and in this year too,the UK Post Office has altered it's Pricing in Proportion template, altering its prices,weight allowances,dimensions and lowered its qualifying compensation rates too! So,please contact rpaxtonden@blueyonder.co.uk ,because of the lighter weight of this item,for correct shipping/P+p quotes - particularly ALL overseas buyers - BEFORE orderingthrough the order page!, LONDON.BBC BOOKS,1992., 0, blue class, 2003-05-01. Audio CD. New. 5x4x0. In manufacturer's shrink wrap, FREE upgrade to 1st class shipping,AND AS ALWAYS SHIPPED IN 24 HOURS; and emailed to you a USPS tracking number on all orders; all books are sanitized and cleaned for your protection before mailing, blue class, 2003-05-01, 6, 1677. Amstelodami : Apud Jacobum Juniorem (i.e. Jansson-Waesberge), 1677, 12°, Gestochenes Portrait-Frontispiz, (32), 591, (1) pp., 3 Kupfertafeln, Pergamenteinband der Zeit mit handschriftlichem Rückentitel; Titel kleiner Auschnitt hinterlegt. First edition printed in the European continent of Glisson's rare work on the digestive organs and internal tissues! With Coat of Arm ExLibris " Iacob Reinbold Spielmann", J. Striedbeck. del. et sculp: Argent. Francis Glisson (1597-1677) "introduced the idea of irritability as a specific property of all human tissue, a hypothesis which had no effect upon contemporary physiology, but which was later demonstrated experimentally by Haller". Garrison & Morton "Stimulated by ideas of his friend George Ent, Glisson elaborated a theory which he revised in his last medical work, the Tractatus de ventriculo et intestinis (1677). The theory presented itself as follows: The nerves carry a nutritive juice (succus nutrivus) secreted by the brain between cortex and medulla from particles of the arterial blood. The psychic spirits are the "fixed spirits" of this juice, which serves nutrition rather than the function of body fibers. As a chemical substance, the psychic spirits cannot flow fast enough to assure simultaneity of events in the brain and the peripheral parts. Nerve action is transmitted by a vibration of the nerves (caused by localized contraction of the brain), and the muscle fibers then contract because of irritability, a property which they share with all fibers of the body". Owsei Temkin, p.426 "The doctrine of irritability does not exhaust the content of the Tractatus de Ventriculo et Intestinis, which, apart from the treatise indicated by the title, also contains a treatise on skin, hair, nails, fat, abdominal muscles, peritoneum, and omentum. Together the Anatomia hepatis and the Tractatus de Ventriculo et Intestinis constitute a monumental work on general anatomy and on anatomy and physiology of the digestive organs. Moreover, in the latter treatise [offered here], Glisson goes far beyond the stomach and intestinal tract. Apart from discussing the theory of digestion , Glisson manages to include theories of embryogenesis (in which the relationship to Harvey is particularly interesting)". Owsei Temkin, p.427 Garrison & Morton No. 579 (London 1677); Owsei Temin, DSB V, pp.425-427; Heirs of Hippocrates 475 (citing 1691 edition). Rothschuh, History of Physiology, pp. 86-87; Krivatsy 4829; Waller 3587; Wellcome III, 126, 1677, 0, Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
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De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - gebunden oder broschiert
1988, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important … Mehr…
Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
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De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - signiertes Exemplar
2003, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
Gebundene Ausgabe
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950. First edition, first printing. Hardcover. This inscribed U.S. first edition of The Grand Alliance, the third volume of Winston S. Churchill’s Seco… Mehr…
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950. First edition, first printing. Hardcover. This inscribed U.S. first edition of The Grand Alliance, the third volume of Winston S. Churchill’s Second World War memoirs, represents a compelling convergence of lives. First, the recipient - Lady Davina Woodhouse, the daughter of Churchill’s first great love, Pamela Plowden. Second, Davina’s husband, Monty Woodhouse, who inhabits some of the history recounted in this book, and who would likewise prove integral to geopolitical events during Churchill’s second and final premiership. Third is the man Davina did not marry, Anthony Eden, Churchill’s long-time lieutenant and long-delayed, ill-fated successor as Prime Minister. The inscription, five lines inked in blue on the front free endpaper recto, reads “To | Davina | from | Winston | 1950”. Condition of this inscribed copy approaches very good minus in a very good plus dust jacket. The red cloth binding remains bright and clean with minor shelf wear confined to extremities. The contents are respectably bright and clean. We find no previous ownership marks other than the author’s presentation inscription. The front hinge is slightly tender, but nonetheless solidly intact with no threat to binding integrity. The pastedowns are mildly browned from the glue. Light spotting is confined to the page edges. The original topstain is faded and the head and tail bands dimpled. Head and tail bands, dated title page, copyright page, topstain, and binding are all consonant with first printing of the first edition, as is the unclipped, “$6.00” price on the dust jacket flap. The jacket is bright, clean, and complete. Light wear is primarily confined to the spine head and adjacent upper front face, front hinge, and front flap fold. The red spine panel is only lightly sunned. The jacket is protected beneath a clear, removable, archival cover. Lady Davidema “Davina” Katharine Cynthia Mary Millicent Bulwer-Lytton (1909-1995) was the daughter of Pamela Frances Audrey Bulwer-Lytton (née Plowden), Countess of Lytton (1874-1971). Winston Churchill met Pamela Plowden in India in late 1896. Pamela was Winston’s “first great love”. For several years, during his early career as an itinerant, adventure-seeking cavalry officer and war correspondent, “Churchill was obviously in love with this beautiful girl” and they maintained a robust and romantic correspondence. But in the end there was no union. In 1902 Pamela married Victor Bulwer-Lytton, 2nd Earl of Lytton. Churchill married later, in 1908. Winston and Pamela “remained on affectionate terms” and Winston “continued to write to her for the rest of his life including two sympathetic letters after the deaths of her sons: Anthony, the eldest, in a 1933 air crash and John, at El Alamein in 1942” while Winston was wartime prime minister. Davina, too, experienced a Second World War loss. Her husband was killed in France in May 1940 less than two weeks after Churchill became wartime prime minister. Churchill’s political right hand and eventual successor, Robert Anthony Eden (1897-1977) had been a close friend of Davina’s husband. Although married, Eden and his wife were increasingly estranged. After the death of Davina’s husband, Eden and Davina found solace in one another and “her presence was to be a constant factor over the next five years.” (Thorpe, The Life and Times of Anthony Eden, First Earl of Avon) But Eden eventually lost Davina to a Byronic war hero, Christopher Montague “Monty” Woodhouse (1917-2001). Ironically, the two met at Eden’s home, to which Eden invited Monty for a wartime briefing in July 1944. Monty and Davina wed on 28 August 1945. Their marriage lasted half a century, until Davina’s death. During Churchill’s second and final postwar premiership, Monty played a significant role in advocating and precipitating the Iranian coup of 1953 and later served as a Member of Parliament. PLEASE NOTE THAT A CONSIDERABLY MORE DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF THIS ITEM IS AVAILABLE UPON REQUEST. Reference: Cohen A240.1(III).a, Woods/ICS A123(aa), Langworth p.258 This inscribed U.S. first edition of The Grand Alliance, the third volume of Winston S. Churchill’s Second World War memoirs, represents a compelling convergence of lives. First, the recipient - Lady Davina Woodhouse, the daughter of Churchill’s first great love, Pamela Plowden. Second, Davina’s husband, Monty Woodhouse, who inhabits some of the history recounted in this book, and who would likewise prove integral to geopolitical events during Churchill’s second and final premiership. Third is the man Davina did not marry, Anthony Eden, Churchill’s long-time lieutenant and long-delayed, ill-fated successor as Prime Minister. Inscription The inscription, five lines inked in blue on the front free endpaper recto, reads “To | Davina | from | Winston | 1950”. Condition Condition of this inscribed copy approaches very good minus in a very good plus dust jacket. The red cloth binding remains bright and clean with minor shelf wear confined to extremities. The contents are respectably bright and clean. We find no previous ownership marks other than the author’s presentation inscription. The front hinge is slightly tender, but nonetheless solidly intact with no threat to binding integrity. The pastedowns are mildly browned from the glue. Light spotting is confined to the page edges. The original topstain is faded and the head and tail bands dimpled. Head and tail bands, dated title page, copyright page, topstain, and binding are all consonant with first printing of the first edition, as is the unclipped, “$6.00” price on the dust jacket flap. The jacket is bright, clean, and complete. Light wear is primarily confined to the spine head and adjacent upper front face, front hinge, and front flap fold. The red spine panel is only lightly sunned. The jacket is protected beneath a clear, removable, archival cover. The Association(s) Lady Davidema “Davina” Katharine Cynthia Mary Millicent Bulwer-Lytton (1909-1995) was the daughter of Pamela Frances Audrey Bulwer-Lytton (née Plowden), Countess of Lytton (1874-1971). Winston Churchill met Pamela Plowden in India in late 1896. Pamela was Winston’s “first great love”. For several years, during his early career as an itinerant, adventure-seeking cavalry officer and war correspondent, “Churchill was obviously in love with this beautiful girl” and they maintained a robust and romantic correspondence. As late as 1900 Churchill’s mother had told him “Pamela is devoted to you and if yr love has grown as hers – I have no doubt it is only a question of time for you 2 marry.” In a letter of 1 January 1901 Churchill told his mother “she is the only woman I could ever live happily with.” (R. Churchill, Vol. I) But in the end there was no union. In 1902 Pamela married Victor Bulwer-Lytton, 2nd Earl of Lytton. Churchill married later, in 1908. Winston and Pamela “remained on affectionate terms” and Winston “continued to write to her for the rest of his life including two sympathetic letters after the deaths of her sons: Anthony, the eldest, in a 1933 air crash and John, at El Alamein in 1942” while Winston was wartime prime minister. In 1950 Winston wrote to Pamela recalling that he had proposed to her 50 years before. (Shaw, The Churchill Society London, 24/11/2003) In 1932, “Davina”, Pamela and Victor’s second daughter, married John Henry George Chrichton, 5th Earl Erne (1907-1940). After an early military career, Erne resigned his commission, becoming an active member of the House of Lords. When the Second World War broke out, Erne was commissioned a Major and was killed in France on 23 May 1940, less than two weeks after Winston Churchill became wartime prime minister. Widowed Davina was left with their two-year-old son, Henry. Winston Churchill’s wartime foreign secretary and Leader of the House of Commons, Robert Anthony Eden (1897-1977) had been a close friend of Erne. Eden, too, was acquainted with courage and sacrifice. Eden had served with distinction during the First World War, been awarded the Military Cross, promoted the youngest brigade major in the British Army, and lost his brother in the Battle of Jutland. Eden would later name his youngest son after his lost brother and would lose his oldest son – a pilot in the Pacific theater – in the closing days of the Second World War. In a different display of courage, Eden famously resigned as Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s foreign secretary in February 1938 in opposition to appeasement policies. Eden’s marriage was “increasingly fragile” and his wife, Beatrice, “spent much of the latter part of the war in Paris.” (ODNB) After the death of Davina’s husband, Eden and Davina found solace in one another and “her presence was to be a constant factor over the next five years.” (Thorpe, The Life and Times of Anthony Eden, First Earl of Avon) “Davina’s vivacious intelligence and beauty left its mark on all who met her. Eden’s diary entries about her often had a gentle humor that testified to the ease and happiness of their growing relationship.”(Thorpe). Into this scene – literally into Eden’s seventeenth-century house at Binderton – entered Christopher Montague “Monty” Woodhouse (1917-2001). Monty had been a brilliant classics scholar at Oxford and became a Byronic figure, described in 1944 as ‘the most famous man in Greece’. Monty was studying at the British School in Athens when Britain declared war on Germany. He hurried home to join the Royal Artillery, but the war would return him to Greece. He was with the British military mission to Greece after Italy invaded in October 1940. As a commando with the newly-formed Special Operations Executive (SOE), Monty “spent a few dispiriting months in Crete in the winter of 1941-42, assisting in the evacuation of Commonwealth troops… gathering intelligence… and assessing the prospects for resistance. (The Guardian) But Monty’s most dramatic return to Greece was by parachute in October 1942. Having risen to the rank of colonel, he was inserted into Greece with a team of saboteurs and coordinated communist and anti-communist guerillas – a rare moment of cooperation – to destroy rail facilities crucial to the enemy. On 16 July 1944, Monty briefed Winston S. Churchill at Chequers, the prime minister’s country residence. “Churchill had been under pressure from the Greek Government in Cairo to withdraw the British missions attached to the Communist EAM partisans in Greece.” In consideration, Churchill “had a long talk with Colonel Woodhouse, who had just returned from Greece, where he was with one of the EAM groups.” Churchill recalled that Woodhouse “argued that the British missions were ‘a valuable restraint’ on the Communist forces” but also “that it might be ‘difficult and dangerous to get them out’”. Thus advised, Churchill agreed to let them stay but asked for them to be reduced. (Gilbert, Vol. VII, p.853) A few weeks later, at the end of July, Woodhouse was invited to discuss Balkan strategy at Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden’s country home. After the meeting, Eden expressed his “entire faith” in Monty to the head of the SOE, writing of Monty’s “excellent work” and encouraging his promotion (Eden to Selbourne, 5 August 1944). However, for Monty, this was not the momentous outcome of the weekend with Eden. Woodhouse recalled “Eden sent a car for me on Saturday morning, 29 July. The driver explained that he had to pick up another guest, the Countess of Erne. It filled me with foreboding: I foresaw a social weekend making polite conversation to a political dowager instead of talking seriously with Eden. We drove to the address I had been given, off Belgrave Square. I rang the bell, & the door was opened by a girl, whose image is still with me. I assumed this was the Countess’s lady’s maid, for she was surrounded by luggage. I helped to put it in the car, and looked around for the Countess. But no one else came. Amazing: this was the countess! We got into the car and drove off. Her name was Davina.” (Woodhouse, Something Ventured, p.86). Davina and Monty wed on 28 August 1945. They had two sons (1946 and 1949) and a daughter (1954) and remained married 50 years, until Davina’s death in 1995. For his service in Greece Monty received British (DSO and OBE), American (Legion of Merit) and Greek decorations. In 1950, when this book was inscribed to his wife, Monty Woodhouse was back in Britain, returned from his military and diplomatic service, destined to leave for Tehran in 1951 where he would play a significant role in advocating and precipitating the Iranian coup of 1953 during Churchill’s second and final premiership. Monty became a Conservative Member of Parliament for Oxford from 1959 to 1966 and from 1970 to 1974 – “an appropriate constituency for a scholar who was a double first and a Gaisford Prizeman.” (Thorpe) He became 3rd Baron Terrington in 1998. After Monty Woodhouse died, a joint memorial service was held for him and Davina on 13 October 2001 at New College Chapel, Oxford. In 1946, the year after Davina wed Monty, Beatrice left Anthony Eden to live in America. In 1950 – the year Churchill inscribed this volume to Davina – Eden’s marriage to Beatrice was dissolved. Divorce was still “a disqualifying social solecism for advancement in many professions and Churchill discreetly protected Eden from the difficulties of his new situation.” (ODNB) Eden’s second marriage (1952) was to Churchill’s niece. Eden would ultimately wait in the wings – both while the Conservatives were in opposition (1945-1951) and during Churchill’s second and final premiership (1951-1955) for nearly a decade after the end of the Second World War. Eden’s long-awaited premiership (1955-1957) proved fraught and arguably diminished, rather than crowning, his stature and reputation. As it did for Monty, the middle east figured in Eden’s fortunes. By January 1957, he had resigned the premiership he had so long sought, undone by both ill health and the Suez crisis. Churchill in 1950 This U.S. first edition of The Grand Alliance was published on 24 April 1950. Churchill had been Leader of the Opposition for nearly five years. Having done so much to win the war, Churchill faced frustration of his postwar plans when his wartime government fell to Labour in the General Election of July 1945. On 26 July 1945 Churchill relinquished his premiership and was succeeded by Labour’s Clement Attlee. On 23 February 1950, just two months before publication, Churchill’s Conservative Party had gained 90 seats, but Labor eked out a small majority of just 5 seats. The end was near for Labour, who would lose the next General Election in 26 October of 1951, returning the Conservatives to majority and Churchill to 10 Downing Street for his second and, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950, 0, London: Smith, Elder & Co, 1847. First edition. INSCRIBED PRESENTATION COPY OF HERSCHEL'S SURVEY OF THE SOUTHERN SKY. First edition, inscribed presentation copy, of Herschel's greatest astronomical work, inscribed to the Captain of the ship that brought Herschel and his family back from South Africa. This is a monumental survey of the stars of the southern hemisphere, a complement to his father's survey of the northern celestial hemisphere. Herschel devoted five years to the project, which he chose to carry out at the Cape of Good Hope. In a suburb south of Cape Town he constructed a 20-foot reflecting telescope, with which he methodically explored the night skies. "By 1838 he had swept the whole of the southern sky, catalogued 1,707 nebulae and clusters, and listed 2,102 pairs of binary stars. He carried out star counts, on William Herschel's plan, of 68,948 stars in 3,000 sky areas ... He produced detailed sketches and maps of several objects, including the Orion region, the Eta Carinae nebula, and the Magellanic Clouds, and extremely accurate drawings of many extragalactic and planetary nebulae ... Herschel invented a device called an astrometer, which enabled him to compare the brightness of stars with an image of the full moon of which he could control the apparent brightness, and thus introduced numerical measurements into stellar photometry" (DSB). "Herschel stands almost alone in his attempt to grapple with the dynamical problems presented by star-clusters, and his analysis of the Magellanic Clouds was decisive as to the status of nebulae" (ODNB). "By the end of 1842 [Herschel] had performed without assistance the computations necessary for the publication [in this work] of his Cape observations. In September 1843 the letterpress was 'fairly begun,' and after some delays the work appeared in 1847, at the cost of the Duke of Northumberland, in a large quarto volume, entitled 'Results of Astronomical Observations made during the years 1834-8 at the Cape of Good Hope.' Besides the catalogues of nebulae and double stars, it included profound discussions of various astronomical topics, and was enriched with over sixty exquisite engravings. He insisted in it upon the connection of sun-spots with the Sun's rotation, and started the 'cyclonic theory' of their origin. [Herschel] investigated graphically the distribution of nebulae, but fluctuated in his views as to their nature. Regarding them in 1825 as probably composed of 'a self-luminous or phosphorescent substance, gradually subsiding into stars and sidereal systems" (Memoirs of the Royal Astronomical Society, vol. 2, p. 487), he ascribed to them later a stellar constitution, and finally inclined to suppose them formed of 'discrete luminous bodies floating in a non-luminous medium'" (ODNB). ABPC/RBH list only three presentation copies. Provenance: Additional lithograph presentation leaf inserted before the half-title reading "Presented by Algernon Duke of Northumberland to" and completed in ink by Herschel as follows: "A. Henning Esqr. Lt. R.N. / With the Authors / Kind regards / J. F. H. June 5/49." "Herschel's first astronomical paper, on the computation of lunar occultations (1822), was published when he was already working in London on systematic observations of double stars with James South, the possessor of two excellent refracting telescopes. It had once been thought that a close pair of stars of differing magnitudes must result from the accidental near alignment of two similar stars at vastly different distances and that any apparent relative motion would be a parallactic effect of the motion of the earth around the sun. The pioneer work of [John's father] William Herschel had demonstrated orbital motion of binary stars under mutual attraction. John continued the work, re-observing known systems and discovering new ones, with detailed study of several cases, notably Gamma Virginis, and the development of methods (1833) for the determination of orbital elements. For their catalog of 380 double stars (1824) South and Herschel received the Lalande Prize of the French Academy in 1825 and the gold medal of the Astronomical Society (1826) ... "James South left England and Herschel continued astronomical observations at Slough, following his father's lead in observation of nebulae, clusters, and double stars. A monumental catalog of 2,307 nebulae and clusters, 525 being new, was issued in 1833. By 1836 he had published six catalogs of double stars, comprising 3,346 systems ... "Herschel was now nearing forty and had earned almost every possible distinction in his field. He might well have remained a solitary bachelor but for his friend James Grahame, who decided he would be better off married and even picked out the girl: Margaret Brodie Stewart, daughter of Dr. Alexander Stewart, a Presbyterian divine and Gaelic scholar, who by his two wives had had a large family. Maggie, as Herschel was to call her, was good-looking, eighteen years younger than Herschel, and possessed an extremely strong character. Grahame threw the couple together; they married in 1829, were supremely happy, and had twelve children. Maggie followed Herschel everywhere, even to the wilds of Africa, and managed all his complex affairs, even to the extent of running a household of seldom less than twenty people when she was still in her early twenties. "Herschel now conceived the idea of an astronomical expedition to the southern hemisphere, possibly delaying its execution until after his mother's death in 1832. The only possible choices of site were South America, Australia, and the Cape of Good Hope. The Cape Colony had come under British rule in 1806 as a consequence of the Napoleonic Wars. Cape Town had existed as a town since 1652 and was important as a way station for many ships en route to India. The British had established an observatory there for the 'improvement of astronomy and navigation' in 1820. As the result of the work of Lacaille in 1751-1753 it had an astronomical tradition and also enjoyed the technical advantage of being in the same longitude as eastern Europe, so that cooperative observations in the same meridian were possible. "On 13 November 1833 the Mountstuart Elphinstone sailed from Portsmouth with the Herschel party-John, Maggie, three children, a mechanic named John Stone, and a nurse-on board. They had a twenty-foot telescope and a seven-foot equatorially mounted refractor. They landed at Cape Town on 16 January 1834, Herschel having happily beguiled the voyage with all kinds of astronomical, oceanographical, and meteorological investigations while everyone else was prostrated with seasickness. Ten days before they landed, the newly appointed director of the Cape Observatory (H.M. astronomer at the Cape), Thomas Maclear, had arrived with his family and servant; the two were to enjoy four years of happy collaboration. "Herschel leased at £225 per annum (and subsequently purchased for £3000) an eighteen-room house called 'The Grove,' which he named 'Feld-hausen' by a German approximation to its Dutch name, in the suburb of Claremont, south of Cape Town. Within six weeks he and John Stone had the reflector erected on a spot now marked by a memorial obelisk. By 1838 he had swept the whole of the southern sky, cataloged 1,707 nebulae and clusters, and listed 2,102 pairs of binary stars. He carried out star counts, on William Herschel's plan, of 68,948 stars in 3,000 sky areas. Herschel made micrometer measures for separation and position angle of many pairs. He produced detailed sketches and maps of several objects, including the Orion region, the Eta Carinae nebula, and the Magellanic Clouds, and extremely accurate drawings of many extragalactic and planetary nebulae. He observed lunar eclipses, and when Eta Carinae, an object whose nature is still not understood, underwent a dramatic brightening in December 1837, he recorded its behavior in detail. Herschel invented a device called an astrometer, which enabled him to compare the brightness of stars with an image of the full moon of which he could control the apparent brightness, and thus introduced numerical measurements into stellar photometry. Maclear provided him with accurate star positions, and he assisted Maclear in geodetic and tidal observations. He observed Encke's and Halley's comets and experimented with the actinometer and with cooking by solar heat. "Herschel and Maggie and some of the children made several trips into the nearer parts of the western Cape Colony. He helped promote exploring expeditions and galvanized the Cape Philosophical Society. His correspondence was enormous, and virtually everyone of note visited him. He drew pictures of scenery and flowers with the camera lucida, and Maggie colored some of the pictures. He did enough botany to get his name in the list of species and established systematic meteorology in the area. With several local worthies Herschel devised a new educational system for the Cape Colony, traces of which persist; and, having written memoranda from the Cape, lobbied for their acceptance when he reached home. He refused official financial aid for the expedition and was able to offer financial aid to several of his numerous brothers-in-law. On 11 March 1838 the expedition embarked on the Windsor, with Herschel conducting experiments throughout the voyage, and landed at London on 15 May 1838. "The newly created baronet rushed off to Hannover to see his Aunt Caroline, as well as Gauss, Olbers, and H. C. Schumacher. He produced numerous papers on topics ranging from iron meteors to variable stars to the structure of the eye of the shark. Many of these derived from his African experiences, particularly his plan for the reform of the nomenclature and boundaries of the constellations, which was ready by 1841. Herschel served on committees and commissions, including the Royal Commission on Standards (1838-1843), and as lord rector of Marischal College, Aberdeen, in 1842. He helped to organize worldwide meteorological and magnetic observations, as well as the geomagnetic expedition of James Clark Ross to the Antarctic. "From Herschel's return from Africa until the mid-1840s two special scientific preoccupations stand out: the reduction of the African results and their preparation for publication, which led to numerous relatively short papers; and the researches in photography ... "In 1840 the family moved from Slough to 'Colingwood,' a house at Hawkhurst, Kent. Herschel was then forty-eight years old and beginning to slow down. Still to come were the remaining photographic papers, a great deal of committee work, miscellaneous astronomical papers, some investigations of the phenomena of fluorescence, and thoughts on such diverse topics as meteorology, metrology (including that of the Great Pyramid), and color blindness. The Results from Africa appeared in 1847" (DSB). Norman 1056. 4to (309 x 247mm), pp. [iv: presentation and half title], xx, 452, [2], [2, ads], with lithograph frontispiece and 17 plates, some folding (minor foxing to title, frontispiece and plates). Original blind-stamped cloth, gilt-lettered spine (faded as usual, light wear at corners and extremities). Preserved in an unusually fine quarter-calf folding box., Smith, Elder & Co, 1847, 0, London: H.S. Nichols, Ltd., 1897. 12 volumes. Rare and Most Probably a Unique Presentation of the Illustrated Library Edition. 142 original illustrations, including a portrait of Burton, reproduced from the original pictures in oils specially painted by Albert Letchford with one set of the original 71 illustrations presented as included by the publisher and another set individually hand-coloured. 8vo, splendid, handsome and very finely executed three-quarter gilt-bordered dark red morocco over vellum covered boards, the spine in compartments separated by wide gilt decorated raised bands, the compartments of the spine elaborately decorated and lettered in gilt with beautiful arabesque designs, t.e.g., marbled endpapers. A very handsome and unusually appealing set. The bindings are very stately and attractive and the colouring of the illustrations beautifully accomplished. We know of no other handcoloured copy being offered in recent memory. Some old stains to the edges of some leaves or plates, lower corners of a few volumes with old evidence of damp. Spines, gilt-work, bands all in excellent condition. A VERY RARE AND PROBABLY UNIQUE SET OF THIS HIGHLY IMPORTANT EDITION, THE FIRST TO BE ILLUSTRATED, AND THIS COPY WITH AN ADDED SET OF THE ORIGINAL PLATES SINGULARLY HANDCOLOURED. Nichols printing is a scarce and handsome edition, the first to include the illustrations by Letchford. In 1896, two years after their first edition of ARABIAN NIGHTS, the Nichols-Smithers duo commissioned Sir Richard Burton's close friend, Albert Letchford, to paint 65 illustrations for another edition as well as a portrait of Burton, and soon after commissioned for 5 more. Burton and Letchford had met several years before when Letchford was 18 when he was in Florence beginning his art education and had discussed the possibility of illustrating Nights. Burton's suggestion of illustrating the "Nights" had appealed greatly to Letchford on account of the unlimited scope such a subject would give to an artist who loved the East and had a boundless imagination. Letchford commenced study of Eastern images for his paintings, though only one of the illustrations was painted in Burton's lifetime. Richard Burton was one of the foremost linguists of his time, an explorer, poet, translator, ethnologist, and archaeologist, among other things. The Thousand Nights and a Night is probably the most famous of all his many works. This translation reflected his encyclopedic knowledge of Arabic language, sexual practices and life: it reveals a profound acquaintance with the vocabulary and customs of the Muslims, with their classical idiom, [Ency Britt] as well as colloquialisms, philosophy, modes of thought and intimate details. In contrast to Victorian mores, Burton was driven to explore what would now be called by literary critics the uncanny/Unheimliche or the unresolvable tensions of human beings. Accordingly, he recorded details of daily life and practices that were considered vulgar at the time. The Arabian Nights have been traced back to an ancient Persian masterpiece, the Hazar Afsanah or Thousand Tales. The stories themselves can be dated from between the 8th and the 16th centuries and were for popular entertainment. They include a range of subjects from romance and fantasy, to homosexuality, bestiality, and obscenity. While a number of other English translations predated Burtons unexpurgated version, perhaps his achieved greatest notoriety due to its copious footnotes and the Terminal Essay found in the last volume. They are a compendium of his private reservoir of anthrological and sexual curiosities. His discussions of female sexual education and homosexuality excited intense debate and controversy at the time of publication. Burtons intellectual influence is far-reaching. His amazing grasp of languages and culture anticipates the globalism of the future. His geographical discoveries not only make him an interesting historical figure but also allowed for future exploration. The detail with which he wrote and his willingness to examine intimate aspects of daily life were precursors to modern ethnography. And his understanding and willingness to immerse himself in cultures that are still little understood by those in Western nation-states is enlightening on many levels. Burtons Nights was enthusiastically received and lauded as masterly, strong, vital, and picturesque, and as one of the most important translations to which a great English scholar has ever devoted himself. However, it was not without its critics, including th Edinburgh Review which wrote, Probably no European has ever gathered such an appalling collection of degrading customs and statistics of vice. Burton was ecstatic over the immediate critical and financial success of his translation and became instantaneously famous internationally. Burton wrote of the financial success of his Nights, I struggled for forty-seven years. I distinguished myself honourably in every way I possibly could. I never had a compliment nor a thank you, nor a single farthing. I translated a doubtful book in my old age, and immediately made sixteen thousand guineas. Now that I know the tastes of England, we need never be without money., H.S. Nichols, Ltd., 1897, 0, Paris: Michel Lévy, 1880. Fine. Michel Lévy, Paris 1880, 15,5x23,5cm, relié. - Edition originale. Reliure en demi chagrin vieux rouge comportant quelques discrètes restaurations, dos à cinq nerfs, date en queue, plats de papier à la cuve, contreplats et gardes doublés de papier peigné, couvertures conservées, tête rouge, reliure de l'époque Très précieux envoi autographe signé de Victor Hugo à Alphonse Daudet. Tampon de la bibliothèque de Madame Daudet sur la première garde. Victor Hugo représente pour Alphonse Daudet, comme pour les autres écrivains de sa génération, le maître incontesté du Panthéon des arts. Sa figure tutélaire parsème les œuvres de Daudet, fréquemment convoquée aux côtés de celles de Rousseau, Byron, Sand et Delacroix. Si durant l'enfance et la jeunesse de Daudet, Hugo, géant exilé sur son île de Guernesey, demeure un idéal inaccessible, « presque en dehors de l'humanité », son retour en France lui permet de le rencontrer enfin. Aux alentours de 1875, peu après la parution de ses premiers ouvrages, Alphonse et Julia Daudet sont ainsi accueillis chez Hugo qui vit désormais avec Juliette Drouet. Ils deviendront dès lors des intimes de la maison jusqu'à la mort du poète. Victor Hugo participe à l'éducation du jeune Léon Daudet, meilleur ami du petit-fils de Hugo, Georges et, plus tard, époux éphémère de Jeanne. Dans ses Souvenirs d'un cercle littéraire, Julia Daudet évoque leur amitié de dix années avec l'« idole de toute la France poétique » : « Je vois Victor Hugo au grand bout de sa table ; le maître vieilli, un peu isolé, un peu sourd, trône avec des silences de dieu, les absences d'un génie au bord de l'immortalité. Les cheveux tout blancs, la tête colorée, et cet œil de vieux lion qui se développe de côté avec des férocités de puissance ; il écoute mon mari et Catulle Mendès entre qui la discussion est très animée à propos de la jeunesse et de la célébrité des hommes connus et de leur séduction auprès des femmes. [...] Pendant le débat on est passé au salon, Victor Hugo songe au coin du feu, et célèbre, universel et demi-dieu, regrette peut-être sa jeunesse, tandis que Mme Drouet sommeille doucement. » L'amitié entre le dernier grand écrivain romantique et l'un des maîtres de l'école naturaliste naissante témoigne de l'acuité de Victor Hugo qui, au faîte de sa gloire, conserve une attention particulière et bienveillante pour la littérature moderne pourtant éloignée du lyrisme hugolien. Cette dédicace de Hugo à Daudet sur une œuvre qualifiée, avec Le Pape et La Pitié suprême, de « testament philosophique » par Henri Guillemin, résonne symboliquement comme le legs à un fervent disciple de la responsabilité politique et morale de l'écrivain. Provenance: Alphonse Daudet, vente Sicklès (1990, IV, n°1200) puis vente Philippe Zoummeroff (2 Avril 2001). Extrait de Souvenirs d'un cercle littéraire par Julia Daudet : "" Comment oublier cette première visite chez lui, rue de Clichy, dans le modeste appartement tellement disproportionné à sa gloire, à l'idée qu'on se faisait de cette gloire qui eût comblé des palais : Il se lève du siège qu'il occupait au coin du feu, en face de Mme Drouet, sa vieille amie, (...) je suis étonnée de sa petite taille, mais bientôt, quand il va m'accueillir et me parler, je le trouverais très grand, très intimidant. Et cette timidité que je ressentis alors, je l'éprouverai toujours en face d Victor Hugo, résultat de cette grande admiration, de ce respect, comme d'un dieu absent, que mes parents m'avaient inculqué pour le poète de génie. Je ne vaincrai jamais ce tremblement de la voix chaque fois que je répondrai à ses paroles obligeantes, et je m'étonnerai pendant près de dis ans d'entendre des femmes, admises auprès de lui, l'entretenir de leur intérieur et de leurs futilités habituelles. Ce soir-là, quand il m'eut présentée, toute confuse, à Mme Drouet, elle me dit avec une charmante bonne grâce : — Ici, c'est le coin des vieux et vous êtes trop jeune pour nous. Mais M. Victor Hugo va vous présenter à sa bru, Mme Lockroy; lui seul a qualité pour cela. Et je fus conduite à l'autre bout de la pièce, médiocrement grande, pourtant, mais qui était comme séparée en deux par une table surmontée d'un éléphant de bronze, très majestueux, japonais ou chinois, je pense. Il suffisait à faire deux petits groupements très distincts qui communiquaient facilement, mais sans se confondre. A ce moment de son retour, Victor Hugo était éblouissant d'esprit, de souvenirs nombreux et racontés avec une verve inépuisable, quand la politique n'envahissait pas trop sa table hospitalière. Et quelle grâce dans l'accueil, quelles nobles façons, quel beau sourire de grand-père sous ses cheveux que j'ai vus peu à peu blanchir jusqu'à la neige des quatre-vingts ans I Les poètes, tous les poètes fréquentaient ce salon de la rue de Clichy, et plus tard l'hôtel de l'avenue d'Eylau. Mais là, fut-ce le changement de place? Il y eut comme une marche descendue dans la santé, puis dans l'esprit du beau vieillard. Et pourtant, il aimait toujours à recevoir ses amis, et l'hospitalité de cette maison ouverte n'était pas un de ses moindres charmes, car, autour de la table, embellie en un bout par les deux petits-enfants du Maître, les convives cherchaient encore leur mot d'ordre aux yeux de l'hôte, et lui-même retrouvait parfois une veine de souvenirs si vivants, si pittoresquement exprimés, qu'on en restait ébloui toute une soirée. M mo Drouet vieillissait doucement auprès de lui, abritée sous deux bandeaux de neige, d'une élégance un peu théâtrale et surannée, jusqu'au jour où un mal impitoyable creusa ses traits si fins, en fit l'effigie douloureuse qu'a peinte Bastien Lepage, qui devait mourir en proie aux mêmes tortures. Dans les derniers temps, le Maître regardait douloureusement, aux dîners intimes, cette assiette vide, cette noble figure ravagée. — Madame Drouet, vous ne mangez pas, il faut manger, avoir du courage. Manger! Elle se mourait. Le savait-il? Essayait-il de se leurrer lui-même le beau vieillard si résistant et si fort, et qui voyait partir cette compagne de cinquante années! Dans le grand salon où se penche le beau portrait de Bonnat, au geste paternel, où le buste par David préside immensément ; dans le petit salon, orné de ces tapisseries rayées et multicolores qui semblaient tendues pour Dona Sol ; dans le jardin rejoint à la vérandah par un perron de deux marches réapparaissent Leconte de Lisle, Meurice et Vacquerie, Paul de Saint-Victor, le souriant Banville, Flaubert et Goncourt conversant ensemble, Mallarmé, Léon Cladel, François Coppée, Catulle Mendès, Clovis Hugues, ombres dans un Eden évanoui ; puis Léon Glaize, Gustave Rivet, Pierre Elzéar, la toute petite Mme Michelet offrant des roses un soir de fête, puis des ambassadeurs, des diplomates, l'empereur du Brésil; des peintres, des sculpteurs, et tant d'hommes politiques que je n'en sais plus les noms ! Voici l'impression immédiate que je traçai de l'une de ces soirées où nous nous étions rendus, Alphonse Daudet et moi, un soir de neige, où pendant le trajet notre cheval tomba trois fois en traversant l'esplanade des Invalides : Je vois Victor Hugo au grand bout de sa table; le maître vieilli, un peu isolé, un peu sourd, trône avec des silences de dieu, les absences d'un génie au bord de l'immortalité. Les cheveux tout blancs, la tête colorée, et cet œil de vieux lion qui se développe de côté avec des férocités de puis- sance ; il écoute mon mari et Catulle Mendès entre qui la discussion est très animée à propos de la jeunesse et de la célébrité des hommes connus et de leur séduction auprès des femmes. Alphonse prétend que dans un salon rempli de talents de toutes sortes, de tout âge, un tout jeune homme, l'auteur inconnu, le poète ignoré aura pour lui les regards féminins s'il est beau. Catulle Mendès lui répond qu'il restera d'abord inaperçu, et que toute les femmes iront à la notoriété : ceci me paraît plus vrai. Les femmes heureusement n'ont point que les yeux de leur visage, mais ceux de l'esprit et du cœur. Pour les intellectuelles, la beauté d'un artiste, d'un grand poète ne compte pas, c'est le regard du penseur, la physionomie tourmentée de l'homme qui vit de ses sensations. Elles vont au talent, au chagrin qui passe, elles ne songent guère à la beauté physique. Maintenant on pourrait répondre que c'est par une sympathie ambitieuse qu'elles recherchent les auteurs célèbres, mais l'autre sentiment, celui qui les attirerait vers cette jeunesse tentante dont parle Alphonse, me paraît moins avouable. Et je ris de cette prétention des deux causeurs charmants, de nous classer, de nous analyser. Mais dire la femme, c'est comme si on disait l'oiseau ; il y a tant d'espèces et de genres, les ramages et les plumages sont tellement différents ! Pendant le débat on est passé au salon, Victor Hugo songe au coin du feu, et célèbre, universel et demi-dieu, regrette peut-être sa jeunesse, tandis que Mme Drouet sommeille doucement. Ses beaux cheveux blancs ombrant sa fine tête comme deux ailes de colombe, et les nœuds de son corsage suivant sa respiration douce, presque résignée, de vieille femme endormie. Ce fut bientôt après cette soirée qu'eut lieu la grande manifestation de Paris défilant, avenue d'Eylau, devant les fenêtres de cette petite chambre qui devint mortuaire en mai 1885, remplie de roses et simplement meublée, telle que la représente, au musée Victor Hugo, une pièce prise dans l'ancien appartement du poète, place Royale. Bien évocateur, ce vieux logis du Marais,"" et quand on pense que Victor Hugo y composa presque toutes ses pièces historiques on se représente le poète, ouvrant, aux heures matinales qui lui étaient familières, cette haute fenêtre sur les hôtels tous égaux et du même style, qui entourent la Place, et se remémorant les tournois, les duels, les promenades et les agitations de plusieurs générations disparues sous l'ombre de ces arcades anciennes et solides et ne gardant pas trace de la fugitive humanité. Nous dînions encore chez Victor Hugo la semaine qui précéda sa mort. Il nous dit en entrant plus pâle qu'à l'ordinaire, la démarche fléchie : — Je vais bientôt m'en aller, je le sens ; puis s'appuyant à l'épaule de Georges : Sans 'cela' il y a longtemps que je serais parti. Je n'ai jamais oublié l'accent un peu solennel et comme prophétique de ces paroles, j'en fus pénétrée de tristesse et de pressentiment; j'y sentis la dispersion de ce centre unique au monde et qui ne put se reformer jamais !"" [ENGLISH TRANSLATION FOLLOWS] HUGO Victor Religions et religion First edition. Contemporary half red shagreen over marbled paper boards, (a few discreet repairs), spine in six compartments, date to foot, marbled paper-lined endpapers and pastedowns, covers preserved, top edge red. A very handsome autograph inscription signed by Victor Hugo to Alphonse Daudet. Mrs. Daudet's collection stamp to first endpaper. Victor Hugo represented for Alphonse Daudet, as for the other writers of his generation, the incontestable master of the Pantheon of the arts. His benevolent attention runs through Daudet's work, often listed side by side with Rousseau, Byron, Sand and Delacroix. If during Daudet's childhood and youth, Hugo, an exile of enormous stature in Guernsey, remained a distant ideal, ""almost above humanity"", his return to France allowed him finally to meet the master. Around 1875, just after his first works appeared, Alphonse and Julia Daudet were thus invited to Hugo's house; Hugo was living with Juliette Drouet at the time. From then on, they become frequent visitors to the house right up to the poet's death. Hugo helped with the young Léon Daudet's education, his grandson Georges' best friend and, later, for a short while, Jeanne's husband. In her Souvenirs d'un cercle littéraire [Memories of a Literary Circle], Julia Daudet talks of their friendship of ten years with ""the idol of lyric France"": ""I can see Victor Hugo at the end of his great table: the aged master, a little cut off, a little deaf, presiding with god-like silence, the little absences of a genius on the verge of immortality. His hair all white, his face colorful, and his eyes like an old lion's that would occasionally flash with ferocious bursts of force. He is listening to my husband and Catulle Mendès, between whom there is a very animated discussion on the subject of the youth and celebrity of famous men and their charm for women...During the debate, we moved through to the salon, with Hugo musing beside the fire, famous, omni-present and a demi-god, but perhaps still missing his youth a little, as Mme Drouet sleeps softly."" The friendship between this great Romantic writer and one of the masters of the nascent naturalist school is testimony to Hugo's sharpness who, even during his glory days, preserved a special and benevolent attention for modern literature, no matter how far removed it was from his own lyricism. This inscription from Hugo to Daudet on a work considered - along with Le Pape [The Pope] and La Pitié suprême [The Supreme Compassion] - a ""philosophical testament"" by Henri Guillemin, resonates strongly, the passing of the writer's political and moral responsibilities to a devoted disciple. Provenance: Alphonse Daudet, his sale at Sicklès (1990, IV, n°1200) then Philippe Zoummeroff's sale (2 Avril 2001). An extract from Memories of a Literary Circle by Julia Daudet : ""How could I forget that first visit to his, in the rue de Clichy, in a modest apartment so out of proportion to his glory, to the image of his glory that we had, which would have filled entire palaces. He got up out of his chair beside the fire, opposite Madame Drouet, his old friend...I was shocked by how small he was but soon, after he had greeted me and begun talking to me, I felt him very big indeed, very intimidating. And this timidity that I felt then, I would always feel towards him, the result of my great admiration and respect, something akin to that for an absent god, Michel Lévy, 1880, 5, Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
MORGAGNI, Giovanni Battista:
De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - gebunden oder broschiert1988, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
Large archive of personal and family correspondence consisting of 1,144 letters, 4,183 manuscript and typescript pages, approximately 85 related ephemeral items, 3 account, scrap and note… Mehr…
Large archive of personal and family correspondence consisting of 1,144 letters, 4,183 manuscript and typescript pages, approximately 85 related ephemeral items, 3 account, scrap and notebooks, 4 photographs. Archive of correspondence and personal papers of Richard M. Colgate and Henry Auchincloss Colgate, scions of the Colgate family, founders of the present-day Colgate-Palmolive, global household, and consumer products company. Richard Morse Colgate born 21 March 1854 in New York City was the son of Samuel M. Colgate (1822-1897) son of William Colgate, took over the family soap business after his father's death in 1857 and reorganized it into Colgate & Company. His son Richard, in time was president of Colgate & Company. The letters detail the lives of the Colgate family then living in Llewelleyn Park, West Orange, New Jersey, their interactions with their friends and neighbors Mr. and Mrs. Thomas A. Edison, and other industrial magnates. The Colgate's discuss their domestic and social lives, business, politics, social work, philanthropy, travel, and their often-surprising attitudes towards taxation and the progressive policies of Roosevelt. There are a number of letters between the Colgates while Henry was a student at The Hill School and then Yale. Harry Colgate traveled to India, China, and Japan in 1914. The Colgates were interested in the commercial prospects of Asia, especially China. While Henry was abroad World War I broke out. Upon his return to America, he went to work for the family firm and was active in Y.M.C.A war work once America entered the war. The Colgate's discuss the war and its effects on America, American life, and business. The collection also includes an excellent series of letters written while Colgate was training to become a pilot in the U.S. Army Air Corps in Chanute Field in Rantoul, Illinois, Baker Field, San Antonio, Texas, and Park Field, Wellington, Tennessee. The letters offer highly detailed descriptions of pilot training and life in the earliest days of U.S. military aviation. Samuel Colgate introduced Cashmere Bouquet, the world's first milled perfumed soap in 1872. Then in 1873, Colgate introduced its first Colgate Toothpaste, an aromatic toothpaste sold in jars. In 1896, the company sold its first toothpaste in a collapsible tube (which had recently been invented by dentist Washington Sheffield), named Colgate Ribbon Dental Cream. Also in 1896, Colgate hired Martin Ittner and under his direction founded one of the first applied research labs. The manufactory he built in Jersey City developed into one of the largest establishments of its kind in the world and is now part of Colgate-Palmolive. He was also prominent in philanthropic work. For more than 30 years he was trustee of Colgate University, and for many years he was president of the New York Baptist Education Society, president of the Society for the Suppression of Vice, and a member of the executive committee of the American Baptist Missionary Union and of the American Tract Society. Conjointly with his brother, James Boorman Colgate, he gave large sums to Colgate University, which in 1890 was named in honor of the Colgate family. His son, Samuel Colgate, Jr. became the first head football coach at the school. Richard Morse Colgate, after graduating Yale in 1877, entered the employment of his father. Before the death of Samuel Colgate, the other brothers had all become employees of the firm, and by the father's will the soap business was placed in their control. Afterward it was incorporated. Richard Morse Colgate became president of Colgate & Company. Richard Colgate was active in the civic life of Orange, New Jersey. He was active in the work of the North Orange Baptist Church and was a trustee at the time of his death in 1919. He was one of the founders of the Y.MC.A. of the Oranges, and for thirty-four years was a director. He was a member of the finance committee of the Baptist Educational Society of New York. He was the first treasurer of the Orange Lawn Tennis Club, formed in 1880. He married Margaret Cabell Auchincloss, or Orange, the couple had two children Henry Auchincloss Colgate (1890-1957) and Muriel Colgate. Henry Auchincloss Colgate, a partner in Wood, Struthers & Co., investments, and director of the Colgate-Palmolive Company, was born in Llewellyn Park, West Orange, New Jersey. He graduated from the Hill School in 1909 and received an A.B. degree from Yale in 1913. During World War I he served as a lieutenant in the aviation section of the Signal Corps. He received pilot's license 902 issued in 1919. His business career started with a vice presidency in the Colgate Company in 1920. Thereafter, it was primarily in the financial field. In 1934, he became a limited partner in Spencer Trask & Co. After four years with this company Colgate became a partner of James B. Colgate & Co., and in 1946 he joined Wood, Struthers & Co. as a partner. Colgate was also director of the International Paper Company. He was a member of the board of trustees of Colgate University, the Boys Club of New York amongst other organizations. https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1957/10/17/91169632.html?pageNumber=33 Sample Quotes:"Hotel St. George, Mustapha-Algiers, Feb. 3, 1907 My Dear Henry, Mr. Arthur died quite unexpectedly yesterday morning. Though liable to pass away at any moment the family did not think that it would happen for possibly some weeks or months. This leaves his two children to grow up without a Father's guidance and as the son will inherit a very large fortune it may be hard for him to resist the many temptations which naturally will follow. When a young man does not have any incentive to work it is bad for him. For he is liable to use his energies along possible evil ways. A good business or profession is what I want you to follow. Any line that is congenial or that interests you. But to simply live on inherited wealth and give up ones time to amusements is not the object for which we were born into this world. I don't care what line you take up in life but take something which will occupy you. A young man should be ambitious along some line, also endeavor to be keenly alive and interested in at least one charity or institution for doing good. One that you will have to give not simply money to but some of your time. Time that you want for yourself and when you take it, you can feel that it is an effort and costs you something. Its not real charity if it does not cost you something. There now, I do not want to preach you a sermon but all the same you are already to understand what I mean and be able to live a manly life. your Father""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Orange, N.J., May 17, 1907 My dear Henry, Muriel has had the fair Friday to which all of her sewing class have been looking forward for a month or two past. It was given in the play house and the decoration, the grounds, the animals in the tree house and tables on the lawn made the place most attractive. Dozens of small girls with here and there a gem of a boy dotted the place and it was a grand success every way netting for the settlement work in the vally some $ 180. Dollars. It shows what even children can do when they really work for an object and it enlists their interest in something which makes for good. That is something in a boarding school which can not so well be developed as you all are kept by yourselves and do not have as many opportunities for enlisting your sympathies along outside work for others. Cultivate all you can, when your habits are forming of becoming interested in other people with the idea of doing them some good turn and aiding them Father""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, May 18th, 1907 My dear Henry, Mrs. Edison has gone down to visit Madeline she spoke of inviting you to lunch in Phila. To day, but I don't know whether she did so, and you probably could not get of in any case it was kind of her to think of it, Mother""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Orange, N.J., June 5/07 My dear Henry, I have read with much interest all you have written about Pomeroy and will be greatly pleased if he turns out to be the kind of fellow you want for a college chum. Taking a chum is a most important step for you will both influence the other greatly. I want to know Pomeroy before deciding whether it will be best for you to room with him. Character is the main thing to look for and if it is based on an earnest Christian life you have something to lean and depend upon. After all as we grow older we find that we need help help in many many ways and if we can get this from above then we have the best of all helps. Let me know more about Pomeroys character. I know he must a popular fellow and no doubt will make a good chum but first Mother and I want to meet him. Father""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Nov 10/07My dear Henry, On Tuesday your Uncle Austin was after an exciting campaign elected a member of the N. J. Legislature much to his and our joy. The politicians speak of him as the possible speaker of the house, but I doubt if he gets that responsible place. Last Sunday Vance was asked to go to the city and pilot Mr & Mrs Carnegie to Mr Franks. He had a great time at their NY home and you must get him to tell you his experiences The 50 servants, their ignorance of American ways &c &c Father""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, January 10, 1908My Dear Henry, I was glad to get your note this a.m. and to know that all was well with you the first word after you leave us is always anxiously awaited. Mrs. Edison had had two letters from Charles last night and I wanted to hear from my boy too! It is hard to take up work again after a good holiday, is it not? But you would not enjoy the holiday so much if it had not been for the hard work which preceeded it Father and I had a very pleasant time at the Library dance on Wed. night fifty two dined at the Country Club before hand. Last night we had dinner with Mrs. Edison Madeline has not yet gone back she looks rather pale and thin yet I think but she hopes to get back to work on Monday. Mr. Edison was very interesting, talking about his battery, concrete houses, his liking for Mark Twain &c, &c. We always enjoy listening to him. Father went thro the factory yesterday Mother" "Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Orange, N.J., Jan 12, 08 My Dear Henry, Uncle Jack is with us but does not feel over well if only he could have taken the trip with us it would have done him a world of good Yesterday I brought my books from the office and worked over them pretty much all day. I visited however Edison's laboratory and went over the buildings with Mr. Edison. They are most interesting and I learned much. The employees however should have more attention and their condition made better. Father""Hotel Gotham, New York City, January 26th, 1908 My Dearest Henry, Mrs. Edison came in to go with me yesterday to the Opera We had been reading a French story together which is being given as an Opera but the latter was not as good as the book nearly - it is often so I find, good stories are spoiled when dramatized. Last night we dined at Dr. Starr's and listed to an animated discussion on Roosevelt and his policy towards the trusts, railroads &c Father of course defended Mr. Roosevelt, the others were not enthusiastic over his methods recently. Dr. Starr was interesting about mind cures, Christian Science &c he believes of course that many of our ailments can be cured by bringing influence to bear on the mind, but when Mrs. Eddy says we have no diseases she goes a little too far!... Mother""Hotel Gotham, New York City, Jan 26, 08 My Dear Henry, I went on Friday evening to the Yale dinner at Orange, taking Uncle Dick with me. It was the best one I have attended. Sec'y Taft Yale 78 was there also Gov. Fort of N. J. and Phelps of Yale. There were 177 present at the dinner given in the Woman's Club. I wish you could have been there. Taft made a good impression. He is most genial in manner and takes a keen interest in those who may be speaking to him. He was as cordial in manner to the Glee Club fellows just down from New Haven as to Gov. Fort or others "high up." This is one of the causes of his great popularity I enclose a report of his speech. Read especially where I have marked it. It is so true. Many have high ideals but are of little use In the world because they insist on having their way in everything and will accept nothing short of their desires. We must learn to compromise to be content with getting a little at a time and then progress will be made, but the man who wants all or nothing usually fails. The prohibitionists, while strong for what they believe to be right many times make failures because they will accept nothing even though a great improvement like high licence or local option and therefore often fail. Take one step at a time but keep at it. Taft gave a view of his trip round the world and spoke of meeting Yale men everywhere and always at the top" "Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, March 12, 1908 My Dear Henry, The Edisons are back at Glenmont but expect to leave on Sat for Florida with a doctor in their party to look after Mr. E's head. Mrs. Edison thinks Charles may have to remain at school for part of the vacation to make up the time he lost on account of his Father's operation. I think Father will be perfectly willing for you to bring a boy with you to Sunapee. Mother" "Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Nov. 2, 1908 My Dear Henry, The children had a gala time yesterday a party at Sevenoaks in the afternoon and after supper I allowed them to put on sheets and black masks and with Grandpa and I as escorts they called on the Franks and Edisons at Bonaire they found Theo. Edison & Herbert Barry for supper and the boys were rather surprised that the little girls had gotten ahead of them. At the Edisons there were great goings on a maze made of black calico between the stable & garage an electric handrail leading to the upper floor which would give a shock to those going up to supper. Witches and ghosts were flitting about the grounds in every direction. We heard the music continuously until twelve o'clock. Poor Mrs E was suddenly taken ill with tonsilitis and could not be present. Mother""Hollyoaks, Llewellyn Park, Nov. 8, 1908 My Dear Henry, Auntie Hill has returned from Washington having had an interview with Mr. Roosevelt in which he expressed, 0, Paris: Crochard, 1823. DOCUMENTING THE BIRTH OF ELECTRODYNAMICS. A beautiful copy bound in contemporary red morocco of the definitive version of this continually evolving collection of important memoirs on electrodynamics by Ampère (1775-1836) and others over the period 1820-1823, beginning with his 'Premier Mémoire', the "first great memoir on electrodynamics" (DSB). "Ampère had originally intended the collection to contain all the articles published on his theory of electrodynamics since 1820, but as he prepared copy new articles on the subject continued to appear, so that the fascicles, which apparently began publication in 1821, were in a constant state of revision, with at least five versions of the collection appearing between 1821 and 1823 under different titles" (Norman). Some of the 25 pieces in the collection are published here for the first time, others appeared earlier in journals such as Arago's Annales de Chimie et de Physique and the Journal de Physique. But even the articles that had appeared earlier are modified for the Receuil, or have additional notes by Ampère, to reflect his progress and changes in viewpoint in the intervening period. Many of the articles that are new to the present work concern Ampère's reaction to Faraday's first paper on electromagnetism, 'On some new electro-magnetical motions, and on the theory of magnetism', originally published in the 21 October 1821 issue of the Quarterly Journal of Science, which records the first conversion of electrical into mechanical energy and contains the first enunciation of the notion of a line of force. Faraday's work on electromagnetic rotations would lead him to become the principal opponent of Ampère's mathematically formulated explanation of electromagnetism as a manifestation of currents of electrical fluids surrounding 'electrodynamic' molecules. The Receuil contains the first French translation of Faraday's paper followed by extended notes by Ampère and his brilliant student Félix Savary (1797-1841). Ampère's reaction to Faraday's criticisms are the subject of several of the articles in the second half of the Receuil. The collection also includes Ampère's important response to a letter from the Dutch physicist Albert van Beek (1787-1856), in which "Ampère argued eloquently for his model, insisting that it could be used to explain not only magnetism but also chemical combination and elective affinity. In short, it was to be considered the foundation of a new theory of matter. This was one of the reasons why Ampère's theory of electrodynamics was not immediately and universally accepted. To accept it meant to accept as well a theory of the ultimate structure of matter itself" (DSB). The volume concludes with a résumé of a paper read by Savary to the Académie des Sciences on 3 February 1823, and a letter from Ampère to Faraday, dated 18 April 1823 (which does not appear in the Table of Contents), showing that this definitive version of the Receuil was in fact published in 1823. Only three other copies of this work listed by ABPC/RBH. Provenance: Marcel Gompel (1883-1944) (ex-libris on front paste-down - Répertoire général des ex-libris français: G1896). A Jewish professor at the Collège de France, Gompel worked in the Laboratoire d'Histoire naturelle des corps organisés from 1922 to 1940, under the direction of André Mayer. In World War II he became a hero of the French resistance and was finally tortured and executed on orders from Klaus Barbie, the chief of the Gestapo in Lyon. When Barbie came to trial, the prosecutors used Gompel's case as a particularly clear and egregious example of his guilt of crimes against humanity. His superb library was stolen by the Nazis. The collection opens with the 'Premier Mémoire' [1] (numbering as in the list of contents, below), first published in Arago's Annales at the end of 1820. This was Ampère's "first great memoir on electrodynamics" (DSB), representing his first response to the demonstration on 21 April 1820 by the Danish physicist Hans Christian Oersted (1777-1851) that electric currents create magnetic fields; this had been reported by François Arago (1786-1853) to an astonished Académie des Sciences on 4 September. In this memoir Ampère "demonstrated for the first time that two parallel conductors, carrying currents traveling in the same direction, attract each other; conversely, if the currents are traveling in opposite directions, they repel each other" (Sparrow, Milestones, p. 33). The first quantitative expression for the force between current carrying conductors appeared in Ampère's less well-known 'Note sur les expériences électro-magnétiques' [2], which originally appeared in the Annales des Mines. Ampère stated, without proof, that, if two infinitely small portions of electric current A and B, with intensities g and h, separated by a distance r, set at angles and to AB and in directions which created with AB two planes at an angle with each other, the action they exert on each other is gh (sin sin sin + k cos cos )/r2, where k is an unknown constant which he stated could 'conveniently' be taken to be zero. This last assumption was an error which significantly retarded his progress in the next two years before he stated correctly that k = 1/2 in his article [13], published for the first time in the Receuil. This article comprised 'notes' on a lecture [12] delivered to the Institut in April 1822 in which he surveyed experimental work carried out by himself and others since 1821 (he also published for the first time there the words 'electro-static' and 'electro-dynamic'). The full theoretical and experimental proof of the correct value of k appeared in two articles in Arago's Annales in 1822, [19] and [20], in an article by Savary [22], and in experiments with de la Rive [17] (see below). On 20 January 1821 Ampère performed an experiment together with César-Mansuète Despretz (1798-1863) intended to support his own theory of the interaction of electric currents against a rival theory of Jean-Baptiste Biot (1774-1862) and Félix Savart (1791-1841) presented to the Académie on 30 October 1820. This was reported in article [21], the first "experimentally based semi-axiomatic presentation of electrodynamics" (Hofmann, p. 316). A small cylindrical magnet was placed at the same distance from two perpendicular current carrying wires. The Biot-Savart theory predicted that the magnet would experience no net force; Ampère's theory predicted that the magnet would experience a non-zero torque from the nearby currents. But when Ampère and Despretz performed the experiment the magnet did not move (p. 343). This defeat, together with illness and fatigue, caused Ampère to suspend his electrodynamical researches for several months. What little energy he could muster for electrodynamics was mainly devoted to correspondence. According to Ampère, magnetic forces were the result of the motion of two electric fluids; permanent magnets contained these currents running in circles concentric to the axis of the magnet and in a plane perpendicular to this axis. By implication, the earth also contained currents which gave rise to its magnetism. It was not long, however, before Auguste Fresnel (1788-1827) pointed out to his friend Ampère that his theory had several difficulties, notably the fact that the supposed currents in magnets should have a heating effect which was not observed. Fresnel suggested that the electric currents circulated around each molecule, rather than around the axis of the magnet. In January 1821 Ampère publicly accepted Fresnel's idea. Not everyone was convinced of the identity of electricity and magnetism, however. Humphry Davy (1778-1829) expressed doubts in a letter to Ampère of 20 February 1821 [7]. Ampère's idea of magnetism created by circulating electric currents was also in direct opposition to a theory put forward by Johann Joseph von Prechtl (1778-1854), and supported by the great Swedish chemist Jöns Jacob Berzelius (1779-1848), according to which electromagnetism was 'transverse magnetism' - whereas Ampère eliminated magnetism and showed how all the phenomena could be accounted for by the action of two electric fluids, Prechtl and Berzelius reduced electromagnetism to magnetic action. Berzelius expressed this view in his letter [3]; Ampère responded in a letter to Arago [4]. In April 1821 Ampère wrote to Paul Erman (1764-1851), professor of physics at the University of Berlin and perpetual secretary of Berlin's Royal Academy, in response to Erman's Umrisse zu den physischen verhältnissen des von Herrn Professor Oersted entdeckten elektro-chemischen Magnetismus (Berlin, 1821). Ampère declared that his electric theory of magnetism was established "as solidly as a physical theory can be, since, in only admitting it at first as a hypothesis, it serves to predict and make known in advance all the magnetic phenomena formerly known, those which M. Oersted has discovered, and the new properties whose existence in voltaic conductors I have made known. When one finds such an agreement between the facts and the hypothesis from which one started, can one recognize it merely as a simple hypothesis? Is it not, on the contrary, a truth founded on incontestable proofs?" In the same letter Ampère calmly harvested Erman's experimental discoveries as further confirmatory evidence. "The observations described in the memoir which you have been so good as to send me are all the more new proofs of it. For, if I am not mistaken, they could all be predicted according to the theory in which magnets are considered to be assemblages of what I call electric currents" (Hofmann, pp. 277-8). Erman's experiments influenced Ampère's investigations of induction in July 1821, in which he very nearly anticipated Faraday's landmark discovery of electromagnetic induction a decade later (see below). Ampère again stressed the 'identity' of electricity and magnetism in a lecture to the Académie on 2 April 1821 [5]. He also expressed his views on the nature of magnetism in a letter to Gaspard de la Rive (1770-1834) [8]. "Perhaps in an attempt to accommodate the positivistic inclinations of some of his Parisian colleagues, or to avoid the adoption of hypotheses, Ampère normally wrote on electricity and magnetism in a phenomenological vein, eschewing noumenal questions. But there were exceptions: [an] example occurred in a letter of 15 May 1821 to the Swiss physicist Gaspard de la Rive, which was published in the recipient's journal Bibliotheque universelle. Adopting the two-fluid theory of electricity then prevalent in France, he spoke, rather in passing, of "the series of decompositions and of recompositions of the fluid formed by the reunion of the two electricities of which one regards electrical currents as composed" (p. 122). Thus at this time Ampère's aetherian framework was based on electric current regarded as de- and recomposition of fluid(s), and magnetism construed in terms of these currents rotating around each magnetic molecule" (Grattan-Guinness, p. 927). As far as Ampère was concerned, "The physical theory of electrodynamics was now complete. Given the concepts of the ether and the electromotive force of matter as Ampère had formulated them, all the observed effects could be explained; not only explained, but subjected to mathematical analysis. The combination was a potent one and the accuracy of Ampère's calculations and the depths of his insight led many to embrace his theory. Ampère, however, was not satisfied with merely creating a model of electrodynamic action. By 1821 he was intoxicated by his vision and convinced that his electrodynamic molecules really existed. They must, then, also explain other areas of physics and chemistry. "In his 'Answer to the Letter of M. van Beck' [i.e., van Beek] [11], published in October 1821, Ampère turned his attention once again to the problem of chemical combination ... What determined whether a reaction would take place and if so, with what violence, was the electrical condition of the participating molecules. To explain the mechanism of chemical combination, Ampère had recourse to another analogy; molecules were not only like voltaic piles, but also like Leyden jars. The facts of electrochemistry proved "that the particles of substances are essentially in two opposed electrical states." In order to preserve its electrical neutrality, each molecule, therefore, decomposed the ambient ether to attract the electricity of the opposite sign. Ampère did not say if this was why each molecule was surrounded by electric currents but his use of the Leyden jar analogy would appear to rule out this possibility. The molecule, presumably, had both an inherent electrical charge and electric currents associated with it. It was the inherent static charge that caused chemical combination; the resultant combination of the two electricities gave rise to heat and light and both the material and energy relations of reactions could be understood in terms of the same mechanism ... There can be no doubt that he took his own theory seriously as a general theory of matter. Nor was he alone in this. During the 1820's Becquerel in Paris and Auguste de la Rive (1801-73) in Geneva used the electrodynamic model in their researches in electrochemistry" (Williams, pp. 150-1). Late in 1821, however, Ampère's satisfaction with his theory of magnetism was seriously challenged by Faraday's discovery of electromagnetic rotation, a development which thrust Faraday immediately into the first rank of European scientists. "In the autumn he had to face a powerful criticism from Faraday, whose paper 'On some new electro-magnetical motions' came out in a French translation [9] in Arago's Annales, soon after its appearance in a London journal. A seminal paper in Faraday's contributions to the topic, it announced that continuous rotation could occur if a pivoted cylindrical magnet moved around a fixed wire, and also if a pivoted wire moved round a fixed magnet. In October he sent to Ampère and [Jean-Nicolas-Pierre] Hachette (1769-1834) one of his pieces of apparatus, and Ampère demonstrated its working to the Académie in November. "From the theoretical point of view, the chief challenge to Ampère's view was Faraday's conviction that such motions could not be explained by theories based on inter-molecular forces. Faraday's alternative, drawn from this and other experiments, was to give preference to curved 'lines of force'; but Ampère was anxious to preserve his own approach. Accordingly, when the translation was prepared, he had a set of appendicial notes [10] made by a new helper, Félix Savary, polytechnicien of the promotion of 1815 and thus one of Ampère's old students, and in 1821 principally a geographer by profession. Ampère added his name to these notes to indic, Crochard, 1823, 0, Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - gebunden oder broschiert
2010
ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1888. First edition. THE BIRTH OF CINEMATOGRAPHY: THE FOUNDATION OF THE MOVIE INDUSTRY. A remarkable collection of offprints documenting Marey's foundational con… Mehr…
Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1888. First edition. THE BIRTH OF CINEMATOGRAPHY: THE FOUNDATION OF THE MOVIE INDUSTRY. A remarkable collection of offprints documenting Marey's foundational contributions to the science of cinematography. Marey was "the lead character in the birth of scientific cinema" (Tosi, p. 82); he "was the first to use a single camera to produce photographs on a strip of sensitized film in real time, rapidly enough for the illusion of movement to be reconstituted for more than a single viewer at once ... Marey's contribution to the history of cinema began on 15 October 1888 with an announcement to the Académie des Sciences, the forum for all his presentations. Before he described his photographic experiments with the revolving mirror, he declared his intention to make a series of images on a long band of sensitized paper, 'animated by a rapid translation with stoppages at the moment of pose.' Two weeks later he presented the members of the Académie with the first series of pictures he had made. The paper bands, about 50 centimeters long, that his colleagues passed around were greeted with interest and pleasure ... They were the earliest filmed images of movement ever seen in public" (Braun, pp. 150-151). "This was indeed the birth of cinematography, which Marey communicated to the Académie des Sciences on 29 October 1888. On this historic occasion Janssen was in the chair, but few of the other members could have realized that these small strips of photographic paper marked the foundation of a new art and a new industry" (Michaelis, p. 741). "When Marey saw that the pattern of leg motions and hoofbeats of a trotting horse could be depicted clearly by photographs taken in rapid succession, he turned to the perfection of a photographic device that could be used to improve his studies of animal locomotion. Beginning in 1881, his modifications of a camera that had been used by Janssen to record the transit of Venus in 1874 made an important contribution to the development of cinematographic techniques. Also in 1881 he persuaded the municipal council of Paris to annex to his professorial chair land at the Parc-des-Princes, where he constructed a Physiological Station for the photographic study of animal motion outdoors under the most natural conditions possible. For almost the whole of the following two decades he devoted himself to the application of cinematography to physiology, extending its use to such subjects as photographing water currents produced by the motions of fish and microscopic organisms" (DSB). Many of these offprints contain images from nature of extraordinary beauty and complexity made possible by Marey's inventions. Provenance: Bibliotheca Mechanica (bookplate inside folding case); Beautiful Evidence: The Library of Edward Tufte, Christie's New York, 2 December 2010, lot 111. Marey (1830-1904) "began in the late 1850s with graph-making instruments that intercepted movements invisible to the eye, such as the rhythm of the pulse, and traced them onto the surface of a smoke-blackened cylinder. With these instruments, he was able to monitor movements that were hidden in the body, like the beat of the heart, or that happened in units of time so large or small as to be beyond the reach of the senses, like the gaits of a horse or the flight of a bird, and to translate them into a form of writing that made them fully intelligible for the first time [1, 2] ... When the relations among the parts of the animate machine were highly complex and numerous, however, Marey found that his instruments could not provide all the information he needed to make a proper analysis. Such was the case when he began his study of locomotion proper, which he began about 1870 ... [Marey] wanted to depict in a single image all the relationships occurring both between one body part and each of the others and the body as a whole at each of several instants of a specific movement executed during a discrete unit of time and in a specifically defined and constant space. In 1870 there was no machine that could do this. "The camera, of course, could describe the body and all its parts at once but no camera could provide a description over time. It could freeze a single image of a moving body if the figure were at a distance, but photographic optics and chemistry prohibited the recording of ongoing movement, at least until 1878. In that year the Anglo-American photographer Eadweard Muybridge (1830-1904) published a series of photographs he had taken of moving horses. Muybridge's work was a stimulus for Marey. But whereas Muybridge had used multiple cameras to capture the shape of the horse's body at isolated phases of its motion, Marey wanted to give a visible expression to the continuity of movement of the equidistant and known intervals as his graphing machine had done, and to do so within a single image" (Braun, pp. xvii-xviii). Marey observed that Muybridge's technique did not apply, for example, to the free flight of birds. He therefore made plans to construct a machine in the shape of a rifle which would allow one to take aim and follow in space a bird in flight, while a rotating plate recorded a series of images which showed the successive position of the wings. Marey's photographic rifle was derived from the 'photographic revolver' of Jules Janssen (1824-1907) who was the first to take automatically a series of photographic images representing the successive phases of a phenomenon (in Janssen's case a transit of Venus across the face of the Sun). He described his photographic gun as follows in i882: "'The barrel of this rie is a tube that contains a photographic lens. At the back, rmly attached to the butt, there is a broad cylindrical breech containing a clockwork. When one presses the trigger of the gun, the clockwork starts, setting into motion the various pieces of the device. A central axis, making 12 revolutions per second, drives all the parts of the contraption. The most important of these parts is an opaque disc pierced by a narrow window. This disc works as a shutter and only lets the light from the lens through twelve times per second, for 1/720th of a second each time. There was a photographic plate behind the shutter, either circular or octagonal, which rotated jerkily but regularly. Twelve images were successively imprinted on the periphery of the plate.' "Interesting though it was, Marey was not fully satised with his photographic rie yet. The photographs that it took were too small, rather dull, and sometimes difficult to distinguish. Moreover, there were frequent and frustrating technical difficulties with the device. This is why the xed plate chronophotographic camera was developed ... This apparatus consisted of 'a traditional camera, but slightly modied and equipped with a rotating disc. The window of this shutter can be enlarged or reduced so as to adjust the time exposure in accordance with the brightness of the light and with the angular speed of the disc. With a reduced window and a slow rotation, the images are distant from one another. They are closer when the rotation is faster. The disc is powered by a spring motor or a weight motor, and a small shutter opens or closes the exposure'" (biusante.parisdescartes.fr/histoire/medica/presentations/marey/03-). At this point Marey's techniques, which he called 'chronographic', became known as 'photochronographic', or simply as 'chronophotography.' "By 1882 Marey had succeeded in making the camera into a scientific instrument that rivalled his graphing instruments in its power to clearly express change over time ... He captured ongoing phases of movement and spread them over the photographic plate in an undulating pattern of overlapping segments. Almost without precedent in the history of representation (only Leonardo da Vinci had attempted to depict motion in the same form of overlapping contours), Marey's photographs gave visible extension to the present, virtually representing the passage of time" (Braun, p. xviii). "But the possibility of multiplying almost indefinitely the number of images the camera could make was now beginning to be hampered by the inherent strength of photography, its capacity to reproduce in complete visible detail everything that is in front of the camera ... The resulting photographs, he wrote, 'present such numerous superimpositions that the only result is a lot of confusion' [3] ... To make the camera 'see' what was invisible, he suppressed the field of visibility - what the camera could see ... He clothed his subjects all in black, marked their joints with shiny buttons, and connected the buttons with metal bands. With this artifice Marey was finally able to transform his subject into a graphic notation. Because the surface of the subject was greatly diminished - only the dots and lines made impression on the plate - the number of photographs taken could be greatly augmented ... The brighter markings, Marey reported, 'made the estimation of time easier and created a reference point from which to compare the movement of the legs and arms' [3]. Marey could now make a photographic image totally without precedent. He had invented an absolutely original, indeed, revolutionary, method of photographing movement by decomposing it and registering its segments on a single readable plate" (ibid., pp. 79-82). He proceeded to use his new technique to analyse human locomotion [4, 5, 6]. Later he started a "survey of pathological locomotion by making geometric chronophotographs of crippled and motion-impaired patients from Paris hospitals [6] ... They had widespread consequences affecting courses of physiotherapy and also the making of prosthetic devices" (ibid., p. 102). "In summer 1887 Albert Londe had brought four Arabian horses - complete with their Arab riders in flowing native dress - to be chronophotographed ... Two elephants and a water buffalo arrived from the zoo, borrowed to act as subjects in Marey's comparative anatomy study; their joints too were suitably marked with dots, crosses, and other shapes cut out of white paper before they were made to walk and amble for his camera [13]" (ibid., p. 124). "To make an image of the three-dimensional movements of the torso shifting in space as it reacts to the movements of the limbs, Marey briefly switched from his chronophotographic camera to a stereoscopic camera, with twin lenses separated by a distance equal to that between the eyes. He placed a metal button reflecting the bright sun on the coccyx of a man clothed all in black, and the camera captured the curves the metal button made as the now invisible man walked away from them; the resulting pictures were looked at through a stereoscopic viewer that reconstituted binocular vision, making the disembodied, undulating lines fixed by the stereo camera seem like an exotic calligraphy, all the more remarkable in three dimensions [7]" (ibid., p. 100). From the data furnished by the different sets of photographs he sculpted plaster models, first of birds [12] and then of humans [14, 15]. These sculptures, some of which were made by Georges Engrand, were then mounted into a very large zootrope, to make what he called his 'synthesis in relief'. As the zootrope was spun he could view the motion from different aspects. "Anticipating holograms, Marey described his new experiment thus: 'The great advantage of figures in relief is that it allows one to see the bird under all possible angles ... one can study at will the movement of the wings, and slow down the speed as one likes, reducing more or less the rotation of the zootrope' ... This simple machine ... stimulated the imagination of such artists as Max Ernst, who made it the subject of a graphic transcription where one of his figures takes off and flies away" (Tosi, p. 107). "In his 1888 note to the Académie des Sciences that accompanied the presentation of Engrand's casts, Marey specified the service that detailed chronophotography provided for art ... 'Certain artistic representations of walkers or runners are sometimes bothersome to the physiologist familiar with the succession of movement in human locomotion. The impression is somewhat analogous to what we feel in front of those landscapes painted when the laws of perspective were less observed than they are today. The difficulty artists find in representing men or animals in action is explained when we realise that the most skilled observers declare themselves incapable of seizing the successive phases of locomotive movements. To this end, chronophotography seems called to render services to art as it does to science, since it analyses the most rapid and most complicated movements' [15]" (Braun, pp. 207-208). "Marey was conceptually ready now for the steps towards the final stage of technical development of cinematography as we know it today, which is to say a camera with moving film. In 1887 in France, Eastman began selling a new sensitive film placed on a paper strip that could be rolled onto a bobbin, which would be destined eventually to replace glass plates. This was to avoid the problem of their weight and the fact that they were hard to handle, but also because the new film allowed the camera to be loaded just once for a whole series of photographs ... Marey asked the photographer Balagny, an artisan manufacturer of sensitive materials and already his supplier, to make him some strips of his new type of emulsioned paper. Having gained experience from the photographic rifle on the various types of chronophotography (with fixed plate, multiple lenses, mobile plates), Marey was about to construct a new series of filming machines: filmstrip chronophotography ... On 29 October 1888 he presented to the Académie des Sciences his first results in a paper entitled 'Décomposition des phases d'un mouvement au moyen d'images photographiques successives, recueillies sur une bande de papier sensible qui se déroule' [17]: 'I have the honour to present ... a series of images obtained at a rate of twenty images per second. The apparatus I have constructed for this purpose has running through it a strip of sensitive paper that can reach 1.60 metres per second' ... "With regards to the technical descriptions of the first film cameras, one cannot but be astonished by the series of brilliant inventions that we owe to Marey - they each constitute genuine qualitative leaps compared with the technology of the day and even his previous work. The first model [17], in which the apparatus was housed entirely in a camera obscura from which the lens emerged, used an ingenious system to move the strip intermittently. The strip, driven at constant speed, was stopped periodically by an electromagnetically operated clamp, just as the shutter opening passed the focal plane. The second model [19] was already portable since the entire mechanism for rolling and unrolling the paper strip was, Gauthier-Villars, 1888, 0, Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - gebunden oder broschiert
2015, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
UK,slim 8vo HB+dw/dj,1st edn.NFINE/NFINE.No owner inscrptn and no price-clip to dw/dj.Bright,crisp,clean,glossy laminated,composed artist's contemporary b/w portrait photographic illustra… Mehr…
UK,slim 8vo HB+dw/dj,1st edn.NFINE/NFINE.No owner inscrptn and no price-clip to dw/dj.Bright,crisp,clean,glossy laminated,composed artist's contemporary b/w portrait photographic illustrated front panel of dw/dj, with HumphreyLyttelton b/w portrait photograpic rear panel,with fluorescent blue gilt and b/w lettering; with negligible shelf-wear and creasing to edges and corners - no nicks or tears to same.Rear panel has some minor abrasion and indentations (grit?) some of which,superficially affecting the board beneath.Top+fore-edges bright and clean; contents bright,tight, clean - pristine - no dog-ear reading creases to any pages' corners,would appears unread - apart from my own collation. Bright,crisp,clean,sharp-cornered,publisher'soriginal,plain red cloth boards with bright,crisp,stamped silver gilt letters to spine/ backstrip and immaculate plainwhite endpapers.UK,slim 8vo HB+ dw/dj,1st edn,5-160pp [paginated] includes editor's note,10 chapters,profuse jazz artists b/wautobiographical photographs throughout the text and the book; plus [unpaginated] b/w photographic illustrated half-title page,and a contents list/table. 'The Best of Jazz Score' is an unparalleled selection of anecdotes, one-liners and reminiscences from the BBC Radio 2 series 'Jazz Score'. Collected here is the cream of the banter from regulars Ronnie Scott,Humphrey Littleton,Benny Green,George Melly and numerous other programme guests.Jazz musicians are renowned for their acerbic wit and longmemories - both of which combine in this book to produce intriguing,hilarious and irreverent glimpses into the jazz world.Did you know,for example,that Louis Armstrong's ears used to go up and down with his phrasing? And that when Count Basie said 'One more time' after playing 'April in Paris' at a jazz-lover's funeral,the coffin began to reverse back through the curtains! And there are lots more stories like those; read,for instance,George Chisholm on Sinatra,Humphrey Lyttleton on Billie Holiday,Ronnie Scott on Nina Simone,John Dankworth on Cleo Laine,as well as stories about jazz legends Louis Armstrong,Fats Waller and Count Basie.When you slip between the pages of 'The Best of Jazz Score',you enter a smoky backstage world where Roy Pellett's selection of jokes and wicked tales will keep youamused for hours.If you love jazz and want to meet the musicians,this book is a must for you. Since April 2013,and again in March 2015,and in this year too,the UK Post Office has altered it's Pricing in Proportion template, altering its prices,weight allowances,dimensions and lowered its qualifying compensation rates too! So,please contact rpaxtonden@blueyonder.co.uk ,because of the lighter weight of this item,for correct shipping/P+p quotes - particularly ALL overseas buyers - BEFORE orderingthrough the order page!, LONDON.BBC BOOKS,1992., 0, blue class, 2003-05-01. Audio CD. New. 5x4x0. In manufacturer's shrink wrap, FREE upgrade to 1st class shipping,AND AS ALWAYS SHIPPED IN 24 HOURS; and emailed to you a USPS tracking number on all orders; all books are sanitized and cleaned for your protection before mailing, blue class, 2003-05-01, 6, 1677. Amstelodami : Apud Jacobum Juniorem (i.e. Jansson-Waesberge), 1677, 12°, Gestochenes Portrait-Frontispiz, (32), 591, (1) pp., 3 Kupfertafeln, Pergamenteinband der Zeit mit handschriftlichem Rückentitel; Titel kleiner Auschnitt hinterlegt. First edition printed in the European continent of Glisson's rare work on the digestive organs and internal tissues! With Coat of Arm ExLibris " Iacob Reinbold Spielmann", J. Striedbeck. del. et sculp: Argent. Francis Glisson (1597-1677) "introduced the idea of irritability as a specific property of all human tissue, a hypothesis which had no effect upon contemporary physiology, but which was later demonstrated experimentally by Haller". Garrison & Morton "Stimulated by ideas of his friend George Ent, Glisson elaborated a theory which he revised in his last medical work, the Tractatus de ventriculo et intestinis (1677). The theory presented itself as follows: The nerves carry a nutritive juice (succus nutrivus) secreted by the brain between cortex and medulla from particles of the arterial blood. The psychic spirits are the "fixed spirits" of this juice, which serves nutrition rather than the function of body fibers. As a chemical substance, the psychic spirits cannot flow fast enough to assure simultaneity of events in the brain and the peripheral parts. Nerve action is transmitted by a vibration of the nerves (caused by localized contraction of the brain), and the muscle fibers then contract because of irritability, a property which they share with all fibers of the body". Owsei Temkin, p.426 "The doctrine of irritability does not exhaust the content of the Tractatus de Ventriculo et Intestinis, which, apart from the treatise indicated by the title, also contains a treatise on skin, hair, nails, fat, abdominal muscles, peritoneum, and omentum. Together the Anatomia hepatis and the Tractatus de Ventriculo et Intestinis constitute a monumental work on general anatomy and on anatomy and physiology of the digestive organs. Moreover, in the latter treatise [offered here], Glisson goes far beyond the stomach and intestinal tract. Apart from discussing the theory of digestion , Glisson manages to include theories of embryogenesis (in which the relationship to Harvey is particularly interesting)". Owsei Temkin, p.427 Garrison & Morton No. 579 (London 1677); Owsei Temin, DSB V, pp.425-427; Heirs of Hippocrates 475 (citing 1691 edition). Rothschuh, History of Physiology, pp. 86-87; Krivatsy 4829; Waller 3587; Wellcome III, 126, 1677, 0, Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
De Sedibus, et Causis Morborum per anatomen Indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, et Animadversiones, nunc primum editas, complectuntur propemodum innumeras, medicis, chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas - gebunden oder broschiert
1988, ISBN: bea6c2fa2ef2fc9d33d0852d729235a3
Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important … Mehr…
Venice: Remondini, 1761. First edition. Hardcover. EVANS 98 - VIRTUALLY THE CREATION OF PATHELOGICAL ANATOMY. First edition, first issue, a very fine copy, of "one of the most important [works] in the history of medicine" (Garrison & Morton). "After Antonio Benivieni (1443-1502), Giovanni Battista Morgagni is considered the founder of pathological anatomy. His 'De sedibus', regarded as one of the most important books in the history of medicine, established a new era in medical research" (Norman). "Morgagni's contribution to the understanding of disease may well rank with the contributions of Vesalius in anatomy and Harvey in physiology" (Heirs of Hippocrates). "On the basis of direct examination and records of some 700 post mortem dissections, he advanced the procedure of basing diagnosis, prognosis and treatment on a detailed and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomical conditions of common diseases. In the above volumes, some of the cases are given with a precision and details hardly surpassed in medical history. His proposal was a shift of emphasis from the traditional 'nature' of a disease to its anatomical 'seat'. It combined the approach of anatomist and pathologist, making their special knowledge available to the diagnostician" (Dibner). Due to this work, "Morgagni may thus be considered to be the founder of pathological anatomy" (DSB). "Rudolf Virchow epitomized Giovanni Battista Morgagni's influence on the development of modern medicine when he wrote, 'The full consequences of what he worked out were harvested in London and Paris, in Vienna and in Berlin. And thus we can say that, beginning with Morgagni and resulting from his work, the dogmatism of the old schools was completely shattered, and that with him the new medicine begins.' This 'new medicine' began with the publication of Morgagni's masterpiece known as De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or 'The Seats and Causes of Disease Investiguted by Anatomy in Five Books' ... In addition to Vesalius' Fabrica and Harvey's De Motu Cordis, De Sedibus was the final vinculum by which the old medicine was to be buried perpetually" (Ventura, p. 792). "Morgagni's most important work ... is his 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis' of 1761. This book grew out of a concept of Malpighi, which Morgagni then developed into a major work. The concept may be stated simply as the notion that the organism can be considered as a mechanical complex. Life therefore represents the sum of the harmonious operation of organic machines, of which many of the most delicate and minute are discernible, hidden within the recesses of the organs, only through microscopic examination. "Like inorganic machines, organic machines are subject to deterioration and breakdowns that impair their operation. Such failures occur at the most minute levels, but, given the limits of technique and instrumentation, it is possible to investigate them only at the macroscopic level, by examining organic lesions on the dissecting table. These breakdowns give rise to functional impairments that produce disharmony in the economy of the organism; their clinical manifestations are proportional to their location and nature. "This thesis is implicit in the very title 'De sedibus et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis'. In this book Morgagni reasons that a breakdown at some point of the mechanical complex of the organism must be both the seat and cause of a disease or, rather, of its clinical manifestations, which may be conceived of as functional impairments and investigated anatomically. Morgagni's conception of etiology also takes into account what he called 'external' causes, including environmental and psychological factors, among them the occupational ones suggested to Morgagni by Ramazzini. "The parallels that exist between anatomical lesion and clinical symptom served Morgagni as the basis for his 'historiae anatomico-medicae', the case studies from which he constructed the 'De sedibus' ... the special merit of Morgagni's work lies in its synthesis of case materials with the insights provided by his own anatomical investigations. In his book Morgagni made careful evaluations of anatomic medical histories drawn exhaustively from the existing literature. In addition, he describes a great number of previously unpublished cases, including both those that he had himself observed in sixty years of anatomical investigation and those collected by his immediate predecessors, especially Valsalva, whose posthumous papers Morgagni meticulously edited and commented upon. The case histories collected in the 'De sedibus' therefore represent the work of an entire school of anatomists, beginning with Malpighi, then extending through his pupils Valsalva and Albertini to Morgagni himself" (DSB). "The number of pathologic observations described by Morgagni, many of them for the first time, is enormous. His observations are included in the De Sedibus et Causis Morborum per Anatomen Indagatis Libri Quinque or The Seats and Causes of Disease Investigated by Anatomy in Five Books, which was published in 1761, when Morgagni was 79 years old. Prior to the publication of De Sedibus, the first attempt to correlate premortem symptoms with postmortem findings was described in a book named the Sepulchretum Sive Anatomica Practica. Theophilus Bonetus published this treatise first in 1679, and an enlarged second edition appeared in 1700. It included almost 3,000 cases in which clinical histories were correlated with autopsy reports and commentary. There were several deficiencies in the Sepulchretum, which made the work virtually useless to scholars. These included misquotations, misinterpretations, inaccurate observations, and the lack of a proper index. The idea for De Sedibus was generated in 1740, while Morgagni was involved in a discussion of the deficiencies of Theophilus Bonetus' encyclopedic compilation. At the time, Morgagni had agreed to write a series of letters to a young friend, which were to resolve the various questions that were unsatisfactorily answered by Bonetus. These letters would be written in the course of the years on the basis of Morgagni's own personal observations at the autopsy table. It took 20 years to complete the task and the resultant 70 letters, included in 5 books, represent the core of De Sedibus. Each book dealt with a different category: (1) Diseases of the Head, (2) Diseases of the Thorax, (3) Diseases of the Abdomen, (4) Diseases of a General Nature and Disease requiring Surgical Treatment, and (5) Supplement. "It is important to emphasize that Morgagni's correlation between symptoms and structural organ changes removed pathology from the anatomical museum halls to the realm of the practicing physician. Morgagni devoted several letters of the De Sedibus to study of the diseased heart, in which he accurately described the principal cardiac lesions which he found after the death of the patients. He included a description of angina pectoris, he suggested that dyspnea and asthma were the result of diseases of the heart, and he also suggested a relationship between syphilis and aneurysm. He described the rupture of the heart, vegetative endocarditis, pericardial effusion, adhesions, and calcifications. In addition, he described cyanotic congenital cardiac defects. Perhaps Morgagni's best classical descriptions included mitral stenosis, heart block, calcareous stenosis of the aortic valve with regurgitation, coronary sclerosis, and aneurysm of the aorta. Few passages of some of these descriptions are important to illustrate the significance of Morgagni's contributions to cardiology. The ninth letter describes heart block: 'he was in his sixty-eight year, of a habit moderately fat ... when he was first seiz'd with the epilepsy, which left behind in the greatest slowness of pulse, and in a like manner a coldness of the body ... the disorder often returned.' "This clinical narration was to become the Stokes-Adams syndrome, when these two physicians from the Irish school correlated the slow pulse with heart disease. "In the 24th letter, he writes: 'the pulse has been weak and small, but not intermittent, when on account of an incarcerated hernia ... he was brought to the hospital at Padua . . . whether the pulse had been in that state before this disorder came on, or whether it was rather brought on by this disease, join'd with an inflammation of the intestines, to such a degree, that a speedy death prevented any method of cure to be attempted ... As I examined the internal surface of the heart, the left coronary artery appeared to have been changed into a bony canal from its very origin to the extent of many fingers breadth, where it embraces the greater part of the base. And part of that very long branch, also, which it sends down upon the anterior surface of the heart, was already become bony to so great space as could be covered by three fingers place transversely.' "This letter clearly describes coronary artery disease due to atherosclerosis and perhaps its association with sudden death. "The 26th letter named 'Treats of sudden death, from a disorder of the sanguiferous vessels, specially those lie in the thorax' narrates a patient with an aortic aneurism. He writes: 'A man who had too much given to the exercise of tennis and the abuse of wine, was in consequence of both these irregularities, seized with a pain in the right arm, and soon after of the left, joined with a fever. After these there appeared a tumour on the upper part of the sternum, like a large boil: by which appearance some vulgar surgeon being deceived, and either not having at all observed, or used to bring these tumors to suppuration; and these applications were of the most violent kind. As the tumour still increased, other applied emollient medicines, from which it seemed to them to be diminished; ... only soon recovered its former magnitude, but even was, plainly, seen to increase every day ... when the patient came into the Hospital of Incurables, at Bologna . . . it was equal in size to a quince; and what was much worse, it began to exude blood in one place ... he was ordered to keep himself still and to think seriously and piously of his departure from this mortal life, which was near at hand, and inevitable ... this really happened on the day following, from the vast profusion of blood that had been foretold, though not soon expected by the patient ... and there was a large aneurism, into which the anterior part of the curvature of the aorta itself being expanded, and partly consumed the upper part of the sternum, the extremities of the clavicles which lie upon it ... and where the bones had been consumed or affected with caries, there not the least traces of the coats of the artery remained ... the deplorable exit of this man teaches in the first place, how much care ought to be taken in the beginning, that an internal aneurism may obtain to increase: and in the second place, if, either by ignorance of the persons who attempt their cure, or the disobedience of the patient, or only by the force of the disorder itself, they do at length increase...' "This observation exemplifies the reason why De Sedibus was such an important vinculum to the foundation of modern medicine. One can first witness the meticulous clinical description of a disease process the correlation with anatomo-pathologic findings and second, the judicious interpretation of the findings, and finally the attempt to describe a prognosis and a therapeutic strategy. Morgagni's ability to integrate and synthesize information was paramount to accomplish progress in medicine, either in the diagnosis or the treatment of diseases" (Ventura, pp. 793-4). "Giovanni Battista Morgagni was born on February 25, 1682, in Forli, a small town 35 miles southeast of Bologna, Italy.4 He was a precocious student, already manifesting in his teenage years an intense interest in such diverse subjects as poetry, philosophy, and medicine. Throughout his life, he was to maintain his interest in philosophy and literature along with history and archaeology. This interest generated many papers on archaeological findings in the vicinity of Ravenna and Forli; letters to Lancisi on 'The Manner of Cleopatra's Death'; and commentaries on Celsus, Sammonicus, and Varro. At the age of sixteen he went to Bologna to study medicine and philosophy, soon coming under the patronage of Antonio Maria Valsalva, the great anatomist who had been a pupil of Malpighi. Upon receiving his degree with distinction in 1701, Morgagni became Valsalva's assistant for six years. During that time he published his first work on anatomy, Adversaria Anaromica Prima, which was presented before the Academia Inquietorum of which he had just been elected president. He left Bologna for a postgraduate study in anatomy at Padua and Venice, and upon completion of these studies he left academia to return to Forli to become a practicing physician. Soon he became a successful practitioner and married Paola Verazeri, the daughter of a noble family of Forli. Together they raised twelve daughters and three sons, eight of the girls becoming nuns and one of the boys entering the priesthood. According to Dr. Nuland's description of Morgagni, he was a tall, robust person with an engaging personality. His peers and students admired him not only for his scientific achievements but also for his nobility of character. Dr. Nuland [The New Medicine, the Anatomica1 Concept of Giovanni Morgagni, 1988] writes: 'His years were characterized by regularity of habits and consistency of devotion to his scientific work, to his large family, and to the religious principles that guided both his search for the truth and the stability of his spirit. As one reads the description of his personality that have come down to us, the image that emerges is that of a serene scholar, much admired by his students of many nationalities and by his friends, among whom were included several of the most powerful figures of the day, such as Pope Benedict XIV and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II. He enjoyed warm professional relationships with some of the great medical thinkers of his time, including Hermann Boerhaave of Leyden, Albrecht von Haller of Berne, Johann Meckel of Gottingen, and Richard Mead of London, a group whose spectrum of interests reflected Morgagni's own interests, ranging from education to research to the care of the sick.' "In 1711, he was appointed professor of practical medicine at the University of Padua, and four years later, the University authorities, on the advice of Lancisi, appointed him professor of anatomy. In an address delivered after receiving this appointment he remarked that he was overwhelmed by the thought of holding the same chair that had been filled by, among others, Vesalius and Falloppio. He soon became a popular teacher, attracting not, Remondini, 1761, 0<
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Detailangaben zum Buch - Jo. Baptistae Morgagni ... De sedibus, et causis morborum per anatomen indagatis libri quinque. Dissectiones, & animadversiones, nunc primum editas complectuntur prope modum innumeras, Medicis, Chirurgis, anatomicis profuturas. Multiplex praefixus est Ind
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Taschenbuch
Erscheinungsjahr: 2013
Herausgeber: Ebroduni in Helvetia [Yverdon], 1779,
Buch in der Datenbank seit 2014-04-24T16:06:04+02:00 (Berlin)
Detailseite zuletzt geändert am 2024-02-20T16:25:09+01:00 (Berlin)
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Autor des Buches: volpato, giovanni morgagni
Titel des Buches: index nominum, sedibus causis morborum per anatomen, multiplex, quo primum, libri
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